From the Editors 183

Articles

Gabrijela Buljan
The Croatian Suffix -stv(o): A Study of Meaning and Polysemy in Word Formation 185

Keith Langston
Prescriptive Accentual Norms Versus Usage in Croatian: An Acoustic Study of Standard Pronunciation 245

Olga Steriopolo
Morphosyntax of Gender in Russian Sex-Differentiable Nouns 307

Reviews

Tanya Ivanova-Sullivan
Ruselina Nicolova. Bulgarian grammar. 337

Article Abstracts

Gabrijela Buljan
Abstract: This paper reports the results of an exploratory semantic analysis of Croa- tian suffixations in -stv(o). The suffix builds nouns which denote qualities, professions, states, collectivities, etc., and most suffixations take different interpretations in dif- ferent contexts. Our aim is to identify the suffix’s most type-frequent and productive meanings as well as typical patterns of polysemy in -stv(o) derivatives and their main motivating mechanisms. Assuming a usage-based Cognitive Grammar stance and Barcelona’s (2011) gradient view of metonymy, we examine an extensive corpus of suf- fixations and propose low-level generalizations, i.e., symbolic schemas that are shown to be variably frequent and productive. Although no single superschema can capture the extreme semantic variability of -stv(o) derivatives, we identify various local pat- terns of polysemy, which are predominantly motivated by metonymy.

Keith Langston
Abstract: The divergence of actual spoken usage from the prescriptive Croatian accen- tual norm has been widely noted, but such observations are largely impressionistic. Relatively little acoustic data is available for the realization of lexical prosodic features specifically in Croatian, as opposed to other closely related varieties, and previous studies have focused mainly on measurements of isolated forms produced by “model” speakers, chosen specifically for their ability to reproduce the standard accentuation. The current study analyzes samples of connected speech taken from recordings of the program Govorimo hrvatski on Croatian Radio 1, comparing the results to those in pre- vious acoustic studies of Croatian or Serbian accentuation. The implications of these findings for the viability of the current prescriptive norm are considered within the Croatian sociolinguistic context.

Olga Steriopolo
Abstract: This paper investigates the morphosyntax of gender in Russian sex-differ- entiable nouns within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993; Halle 1997; Marantz 1997), which, to the best of my knowledge, has not been studied before. Distributed Morphology differentiates between word formation from √ roots and from syntactic categories; this distinction enables us to analyze syntac- tic processes that happen within words. The paper argues that grammatical gender in sex-differentiable nouns can be determined from a combination of the declension class and the natural gender of the referent. Thus there is no need to posit grammati- cal gender features in the syntax of such nouns. This work is a revision and develop- ment of the earlier Distributed Gender Hypothesis (Steriopolo and Wiltschko 2010). This research will be of interest to Russian specialists, language typologists, and the- oretical linguists, as well as to anyone interested in the Russian language and gender.

 

 

 

Special Issue

Silver Anniversary Issue

Edited by

Stephen M. Dickey, Laura A. Janda, Keith Langston, and Catherine Rudin

Introduction     169

Articles

Dagmar Divjak, Serge Sharo , and Tomaž Erjavec
Slavic Corpus and Computational Linguistics     171

Steven Franks
Slavic Generative Syntax     199

Mirjam Fried
Construction Grammar in the Service of Slavic Linguistics, and Vice Versa     241

Kira Gor
The Mental Lexicon of L2 Learners of Russian:
Phonology and Morphology in Lexical Storage and Access     277

Marc L. Greenberg, Krzysztof E. Borowski, Joseph Schallert, and Curt F. Woolhiser
Slavic Dialectology: A Survey of Research since 1989     303

Tania Ionin and Teodora Radeva-Bork
The State of the Art of First Language Acquisition Research on Slavic Languages     337

Laura A. Janda and Stephen M. Dickey
Cognitive Linguistics: A Neat Theory for Messy Data     367

Darya Kavitskaya
Some Recent Developments in Slavic Phonology     387

Keith Langston
Slavic Sociolinguistics in the Post-Iron Curtain World:
A Survey of Recent Research     415

Tore Nesset
When We Went Digital and Seven Other Stories about Slavic Historical Linguistics in the 21st Century     439

Irina A. Sekerina
Slavic Psycholinguistics in the 21st Century     463

Andrea D. Sims
Slavic Morphology: Recent Approaches to Classic Problems, Illustrated with Russian     489

Article Abstracts

Dagmar Divjak, Serge Sharo , and Tomaž Erjave

Abstract: In this paper we focus on corpus-linguistic studies that address theoretical questions and on computational linguistic work on corpus annotation that makes corpora useful for linguistic analysis. First we discuss why the corpus linguistic approach was discredited by generative linguists in the second half of the 20th century, how it made a comeback through advances in computing and was finally adopted by usage-based linguistics at the beginning of the 21st century. Then we move on to an overview of necessary and common annotation layers and the issues that are encountered when performing automatic annotation, with special emphasis on Slavic languages. Finally we survey the types of research requiring corpora that Slavic linguists are involved in worldwide, and the resources they have at their disposal.

Steven Franks

Abstract: This article discusses major research areas in Slavic generative syntax. It begins with a short survey of topics, identifying important literature and useful resources. It then examines selected areas in more detail, specifically: (i) multiple wh-movement, (ii) secondary predication and control, (iii) agreement and coordination, and (iv) nominal structure and phases. Finally, several domains of inquiry are singled out for future research.

Mirjam Fried

Abstract: This paper explores the connection between Slavic languages and the theoretical tenets of construction grammar, a cognitively and functionally oriented approach to linguistic analysis. The strengths of traditional Slavic linguistics consist particularly in its focus on diachronic concerns, lexical semantics, and on issues of morphology. Constructional analysis provides a rm theoretical grounding for these traditional areas and also draws attention to phenomena and issues that have been less prominently pursued by Slavic linguists. This concerns various kinds of syntactic patterning but also the domain of discourse organization and grammatical devices that serve speci c discourse functions, be it the nature of pragmatic particles, specific clausal structures, expressions of subjective epistemic stance, etc. Of interest is also the origin and evolution of such devices. This area has been generally left just about untouched in Slavic linguistics, yet it represents an enormous pool of interesting data and relates directly to theoretical questions that are presently in the forefront of general linguistic research. With respect to the evolutionary perspective, the present paper also comments on the role of pragmaticization and constructionalization and their manifestations in particular instances, including suggestions for how they can be conceptualized with the contribution of construction grammar.

Kira Gor

Abstract: This review discusses a number of recent studies focusing on the role of phonological and morphological structure in lexical access of Russian words by non- native speakers. This research suggests that late second language (L2) learners differ from native speakers of Russian in several ways: Lower-profciency L2 learners rely on unfaithful, or fuzzy, phonological representations of words, which are caused either by problems with encoding difficult phonological contrasts, such as hard and soft consonants, or by uncertainty about the phonological form and form-meaning mappings for low-frequency words. In processing morphologically complex inflected words, L2 learners rely on decomposition to access the lexical meaning through the stem and may ignore the information carried by the inflection. The reviewed findings have broader implications for the understanding of nonnative word recognition, and the role of L2 proficiency in lexical processing.

Marc L. Greenberg, Krzysztof E. Borowski, Joseph Schallert, and Curt F. Woolhiser

Abstract: The last 25 years in Slavic dialectology mark the period not only of JSL’s founding but also of major and multiple political, social, and economic reorganizations in predominantly Slavic-speaking states. During this period research institutions and their priorities and projects have both continued and changed; technological innovation has meant moving towards electronic dissemination, “digital humanities,” and innovative modes of presenting research data and findings. In some cases major works (e.g., dialect atlases) have advanced during this period. Moreover, a new generation of scholars has had greater opportunities for mobility and therefore exposure to a variety of linguistic frameworks and approaches, which has fostered cross-border collaboration in the eld. The present essay gives an overview of progress made on dialect projects both created institutionally and individually and including both traditional (book, article) and new digital means of dissemination.

Tania Ionin and Teodora Radeva-Bork

Abstract:  This paper provides an overview of recent work on the first language acquisi- tion of Slavic languages. The focus is on those areas in which the most work has been done since the year 2000: referring expressions, nominal inflection, the verbal domain, and word order, with a brief mention of other topics, including the acquisition of phonology. Most of the studies reviewed here focus on typical monolingual first language development, but bilingual first language development is discussed where relevant.

Laura A. Janda and Stephen M. Dickey

Abstract: We outline some recent highlights in the application of cognitive linguistic theoretical and methodological approaches to the analysis of Slavic languages. A principal strength of cognitive linguistics is the way it focuses our attention on the continuous nature of linguistic phenomena. Rather than positing rigid categories and strict definitions, cognitive linguistics addresses the messy realities of language, facilitating the extraction of coherent patterns from the noise of human communication. We fol- low a thematic arrangement motivated by the types of variation we observe in language and the analyses proposed by Slavic linguists. These include variation across meaning and form, across modalities and genres, and across time and speakers.

Darya Kavitskaya

Abstract: This article presents an overview of the last two decades of research in synchronic Slavic theoretical phonology and the elds it interacts with, such as phonetics, morphology, and syntax. The overview is arranged around the properties of Slavic languages that prominently figure in the recent discussion of theoretical phonology. It concentrates on the specific phenomena in Slavic, such as vowel reduction, vowel/ zero alternations, stress and pitch accent, vowel coalescence, voicing assimilation, wordnal devoicing, and consonant clusters and syllabi cation, and on how these phenomena are relevant to phonological theory and Slavic linguistics.

Keith Langston

Abstract: This article provides a general overview of research in Slavic sociolinguistics after 1989, focusing particularly on the most recent work (2010–16). Trends in sociolinguistic research in the East, West, and South Slavic areas are discussed, and in the conclusion the article considers perspectives for future research.

Tore Nesset

Abstract: In this overview article, I seek to identify and discuss some tendencies in Slavic historical linguistics in recent years. Rather than presenting an extensive catalogue of studies on miscellaneous topics, I focus on three general issues, viz., how Slavic historical linguistics is developing in response to new theoretical ideas, methodological innovation, and “new” data. The article explores case studies from the syntax, morphology, and phonology of a number of Slavic languages and tells eight stories about Slavic historical linguistics in the 21st century.

Irina A. Sekerina

Abstract: This article provides an update on research in Slavic psycholinguistics since 2000 following my first review (Sekerina 2006), published as a position paper for the workshop The Future of Slavic Linguistics in America (SLING2K). The focus remains on formal experimental psycholinguistics understood in the narrow sense, i.e., experimental studies conducted with monolingual healthy adults. I review five dimensions characteristic of Slavic psycholinguistics—populations, methods, domains, theoretical approaches, and specifc languages—and summarize the experimental data from Slavic languages published in general non-Slavic psycholinguistic journals and proceedings from the leading two conferences on Slavic linguistics, FASL and FDSL, since 2000. I argue that the current research trends in Slavic psycholinguistics are (1) a shift from adult monolingual participants to special population groups, such as children, people with aphasia, and bilingual learners, (2) a continuing move in the direction of cognitive neuroscience, with more emphasis on online experimental techniques, such as eye-tracking and neuroimaging, and (3) a focus on Slavic-specific phenomena that contribute to the ongoing debates in general psycholinguistics. The current infrastructural trends are (1) development of psycholinguistic databases and resources for Slavic languages and (2) a rise of psycholinguistic research conducted in Eastern European countries and disseminated in Slavic languages.

Andrea D. Sims

Abstract: This state-of-the- eld article traces some recent trajectories of morphological theory, illustrated via four classic problems of Slavic morphology: vowel-zero alter- nation, stem consonant mutations, paradigmatic gaps, and animacy-determined accusative syncretism. Using Russian as the primary illustrating data, one theme that emerges is that theories that leverage the distributional properties of the lexicon have made progress against previously intractable aspects of these phenomena, including idiosyncratic lexical distributions, unexpected (non)productivity, and distributions shared by distinct exponents. In turn, the analyses raise new questions.

 

Contents
From the Editor     173

In Memoriam Jens Norgard-Sørensen     177

In Memoriam Charles Townsend     181

Reflections

Steven Franks
The Slavic Linguistics Society Comes of Age     189

Articles

Masako Fidler and Václav Cvrček
A Data-Driven Analysis of Reader Viewpoints: Reconstructing the Historical Reader Using Keyword Analysis      197

Frank Y. Gladney
On Forming Deverbal Nouns and Adjectives     241

Julia Kuznetsova and Tore Nesset
In Which Case Are Russians Afraid? Bojat’sja with Genitive and Accusative Objects     255

A. Kate White
The Cognate Boost: A Study of Picture Naming across Proficiency Levels with L2 Learners of Russian     285

Reviews

Krzysztof E. Borowski and Alexandra Fisher
Elżbieta Kaczmarska and Motoki Nomachi, eds. Slavic and
German in contact: Studies from areal and contrastive linguistics.     313

Katarzyna Dziwirek
Jacek Witkoś and Sylwester Jaworski, eds. New insights into 
Slavic linguistics.     319

Elisabeth Elliott
Keith Langston and Anita Peti-Stantić. Language 
planning and national identity in Croatia.     323

Olga Mitrenina
Anna Bondaruk, Gréte Dalmi, and Alexander Grosu, eds. Advances in the syntax of DPs: Structure, agreement, and case.     331

Abbreviations     343

Article Abstracts

Masako Fidler and Václav Cvrček

A Data-Driven Analysis of Reader Viewpoints:
Reconstructing the Historical Reader Using
Keyword Analysis

Abstract: This study uses corpus-linguistic methods to examine the relation- ship between language usage patterns and divergence in text interpretation. Our target of analysis is a set of texts (Czechoslovak presidential New Year’s addresses from 1975 to 1989), which contemporary readers consider repeti- tious and devoid of content. These texts were statistically contrasted with corpora from two different periods: one from the totalitarian period and the other from the contemporary (post-totalitarian) period. The comparison was based on the Difference Index, the most recent effect-size estimator, which was used to enhance the interpretation of keyword analysis outcomes. The two analyses yield significantly different results: the data from the analy- sis using the contemporary corpus were commensurate with contemporary readers’ impressions; those from the analysis using the totalitarian corpus fluctuated in tandem with (and sometimes in anticipation of) political and social changes during the 15-year period and suggested an interpretation of the texts by a reader more familiar with totalitarian texts.

Frank Y. Gladney

On Forming Deverbal Nouns and Adjectives in Russian

Abstract: Some deverbal nouns and adjectives govern their complements as nouns and adjectives. In vladelec jazykov ‘polyglot’ genitive case is assigned by the Adnominal Genitive Rule, and in zabyvčiva na imena ‘forgetful of names’ na is required similarly as in the gloss. With other deverbal nouns and adjec- tives, e.g., vladenie jazykami ‘a command of languages’ and zabyvajuščaja imena ‘who forgets names’, the form of the complement is governed by the embed- ded verb; compare vladeet jazykami and zabyvaet imena. To capture this affinity, the noun phrase is represented as a noun headed by the noun suffix /-ij/ and containing a verb phrase corresponding to vladeet jazykami, and the adjective phrase is represented as an adjective headed by the adjective suffix /-ušč/ and containing a verb phrase corresponding to zabyvaet imena. These underlying representations give syntax the task of uniting /vlad/ with /-ij/ and /zaby/ with /-ušč/, matters traditionally relegated to a morphology component of the grammar. To relegate them to syntax is to enter uncharted territory.

Julia Kuznetsova and Tore Nesset

In Which Case Are Russians Afraid? Bojat’sja with
Genitive and Accusative Objects

Abstract: The present article investigates case usage with the verb bojat’sja ‘be scared’ in Russian. Many verbs with -sja never combine with objects in the accusative case. The verb bojat’sja historically was among them, but this verb is undergoing a shift and is currently used with both genitive and accusative objects. This study examines the parameters that motivate this change. Using data from the Russian National Corpus and an experimental study, this arti- cle shows that the accusative case is more likely to appear when the object is individuated. It is furthermore demonstrated that the use of accusative objects depends on register: Less restricted registers, such as newspaper texts and answers in the experiment, show higher use of accusative objects.

A. Kate White

The Cognate Boost: A Study of Picture Naming across
Proficiency Levels with L2 Learners of Russian

Abstract: The purpose of this study was to investigate the “cognate boost” in Russian. Based on the Revised Hierarchical Model of bilingual memory and the theory of nonselective language storage in bilinguals, it was assumed that cognates would facilitate the performance of L1 English learners of L2 Russian in a picture-naming task, though this effect would be modulated by proficiency level. Twenty-two college-level learners of Russian from two pro- ficiency levels were asked to complete a picture-naming task in Russian. Half performed a task with cognates present and half without. An analysis of re- sponse time and accuracy showed that cognates facilitate the performance of lower proficiency speakers, while higher proficiency speakers are not affected. These results support the theories mentioned previously and show a cognate effect despite the differing orthographies of English and Russian. This paper presents the results of the quantitative and qualitative analyses and their im- plications for theories of language acquisition and storage.

Contents
From the Editor     165

In Memoriam Roman Laskowski     167

Articles

Christina Bethin
Contraction in Russian Dialects: Evidence for
Paradigm Contrast     171

Franc Marušič and Rok Žaucer
The Involuntary State/feel-like Construction:
What Aspect Cannot Do     185

Ksenia Zanon
Two Russian Hybirds     215

Reviews

Peter Arkadiev
Leonard H. Babby. The syntax of argument structure.     259

Robert Orr
Andreii Danylenko. Slavica et Islamica: Ukrainian in Context.     277

Adam Szczegielniak
Anna Bondaruk. Copular clauses in English and Polish:
Structure, derivation, and interpretation.     293

Article Abstracts

Christina Bethin

Contraction in Russian Dialects: Evidence for Paradigm Contrast

Abstract: Contraction of VjV sequences to V as in aja > a, aje > a, ojo > o, uju > u, eje > e, ije > i is found in northern and central Russian dialects, primarily in non-past verb forms and in adjectives. The focus of this paper is on the manifestation of this process in verbs and specifically on the resistance to contraction found in the 2pl forms. There are several different explanations in the literature for the exceptionality of 2pl forms, but they are not entirely convincing. I propose a new and more comprehensive explanation for the resistance to contraction in this category based on the notion of paradigm contrast.

Franc Marušič and Rok Žaucer

The Involuntary State/feel-like Construction:What Aspect Cannot Do

Abstract: The hyperintensional South Slavic involuntary state/feel-like construction is interesting in that it is restricted to a peculiar syntactic frame (dative subject and reflexive-impersonal or reflexive-passive verb) but has no overt element encoding its desiderative meaning and its intensionality. Recently it received two very different analyses. For Marušič and Žaucer (2006a), the construction is biclausal, with its desiderative meaning coming from a phonologically null verb. For Rivero (2009), its “modal” meaning arises from a viewpoint-aspect imperfective operator in a monoclausal structure. The aspect-based account poses a challenge for the theory of null verbs, since it cancels what had been considered a rare attestation of the theory’s logical possibility of having a null matrix verb. It also poses a challenge for the sententionalist view of hyperintensionality, since it posits that the latter can arise outside a clausal complement. This paper demonstrates that the aspect-based account is problematic in several respects and reinstates the null-verb analysis.

Ksenia Zanon

Two Russian Hybirds

Abstract: This paper reports on a peculiar phenomenon in Russian which involves both a Y/N marker (li) with a wh-word. Under consideration are the two incarnations of this construction—herein called Hybrid Wh-coordination (HWh) and its reverse counterpart (rHWh). In the former the Y/N marker precedes the wh-word (and the coordinator), while in the latter this order is permuted. This surface difference has deeper underpinnings, since the two constructions do not behave in identical fashion with respect to various diagnostics. Hence they are not amenable to the same treatment. I will argue for a biclausal genesis of HWh questions. The rHWh cases, on the other hand, are ambiguous between biclausal and monoclausal structures, depending on the nature of the wh-word. The paper offers novel empirical generalizations, cataloguing previously unreported facts associated with hybrid coordination, as well as some theoretical contributions, bearing on the status of Across-The-Board extractions (ATB), quantifier raising (QR), li-placement, and the distribution of topicalized constituents (TC). In particular, the paper presents arguments in favor of QR in Russian. It is argued that the clauseboundedness restriction can be repaired under ellipsis. ATB movement is analyzed as a process of extraction out of each participating conjunct. The placement of li is understood as a result of PF reordering, which is distinct from Prosodic Inversion. Finally, D-linked wh-phrases are analyzed on a par with TCs.

If you're looking for a great online casino experience in the UK, then https://casperspins-casino.com is the perfect choice. With a wide range of games and a secure platform, you can enjoy the thrill of VJV Russia from the comfort of your own home.

Contents

Articles

Laura Janda and Olga Lyashevskaya
Semantic Profiles of Five Russian Prefixes:
po-, s-, za-, na-, pro-     211

Lucija Šimičić, Peter Houtzagers, Anita Sujoldžić, and John Nerbonne
Diatopic Patterning of Croatian Varieties in the
Adriatic Region     259

Reviews

Boban Arsenijević Sabina Halupka-Rešetar.
Rečenični fokus u engleskom i
srpskom jeziku.     303

Stanka A. Fitneva Teodora Radeva-Bork.
Single and double clitics in adult and
child grammar     311

Vadim Kimmelman
Matthew Reeve. Clefts and their relatives     317

Egor Tsedryk John Frederick Bailyn.
The syntax of Russian     341

Article Abstracts

Laura Janda and Olga Lyashevskaya
Semantic Profiles of Five Russian Prefixes: po-, s-, za-, na-, pro-

Abstract: We test the hypothesis that Russian verbal prefixes express meaning even when they are used to create a “purely aspectual pair” (čistovidovaja para). This is contrary to traditional assumptions that prefixes in this function are semantically “empty.” We analyze the semantic tags independently established in the Russian National Corpus (www.ruscorpora.ru) for 382 perfective partner verbs with five of the most common verbal prefixes in Russian: po-, s-, za-, na-, and pro-. Statistical tests show that the relationship between prefixes and semantic tags is significant and robust, and further identify which relationships constitute attractions, repulsions, and neutral relation¬ships. It is possible to specify a unique meaning for each prefix in terms of the semantic tags it attracts or repulses. A detailed analysis of all the verbs in the study shows that the meanings of the prefixed perfective partners yield consistent patterns. Even verbs in repulsed semantic classes are consistent with these patterns. The meaning patterns of verbs with “purely aspectual” prefixes can be compared with the meanings of the prefixes as established on the basis of previous scholarship, which was primarily focused on the meanings of prefixes in their “non-empty” uses. This comparison shows that the verb meanings that appear with “purely perfectivizing” prefixes are the same as those found for “non-empty” uses of prefixes. We conclude that verbs select the prefix that is most compatible with their meanings when forming “purely aspectual” perfective partners, confirming our hypothesis.

Lucija Šimičić, Peter Houtzagers, Anita Sujoldžić, and John Nerbonne

Diatopic Patterning of Croatian Varieties in the Adriatic Region

Abstract: The calculation of aggregate linguistic distances can compensate for some of the drawbacks inherent to the isogloss bundling method used in traditional dialectology to identify dialect areas. Synchronic aggregate analysis can also point out differences with respect to a diachronically based classification of dialects. In this study the Levenshtein algorithm is applied for the first time to obtain an aggregate analysis of the linguistic distances among 88 diatopic varieties of Croatian spoken along the Eastern Adriatic coast and in the Italian province of Molise. We also measured lexical differences among these varieties, which are traditionally grouped into Čakavian, Štokavian, and transitional Čakavian-Štokavian varieties. The lexical and pronunciation distances are subsequently projected onto multidimensional cartographic representations. Both kinds of analyses confirm that linguistic discontinuity is characteristic of the whole region, and that discontinuities are more pronounced in the northern Adriatic area than in the south. We also show that the geographic lines are in many cases the most decisive factor contributing to linguistic cohesion, and that the internal heterogeneity within Čakavian is often greater than the differences between Čakavian and Štokavian varieties. This holds both for pronunciation and lexicon.

Contents

From the Editor     149

Articles

Vít Boček
On the Relationship between Gemination and Palatalization in
Early Romance Loanwords in Common Slavic     151

Hans Robert Mehlig
Hybrid Predicates in Russian      171

Ivana Mitrović
A Phonetically Natural vs. Native Language Pattern:
An Experimental Study of Velar Palatalization in Serbian      229

Catherine Ringen and Vladimir Kulikov
Voicing in Russian Stops: Cross-Linguistic Implications      269

Reviews

Hagen Pitsch
Ljudmila Geist. Die Kopula und ihr Komplemente:
Zur Kompositionalität in Kopulasätzen     287

Mila Vulchanova
Björn Hansen and Jasmina Grković-Major, eds. Diachronic
Slavonic syntax: Gradual changes in focus     299

Index to Volumes 1–20     311

Article Abstracts

Vít Boček

On the Relationship between Gemination and Palatalization in Early Romance Loanwords in Common Slavic

Abstract: This paper discusses how geminates in Early Romance loanwords were treated in Common Slavic. The proposal is that there was a tendency for Romance geminates to be replaced by palatalized consonants in Slavic, possibly via an early palatalized geminate stage in Slavic itself. This proposal receives support from the close relation between gemination and palatalization found in other Indo-European languages and presents a more systematic account of the phenomenon than other available explanations.

Hans Robert Mehlig

Hybrid Predicates in Russian

Abstract: Apart from elementary predications that can be classified clearly as Activities or Accomplishments, Russian has elementary predications that are hybrid in their actionality and can be classified as Activities as well as Accomplishments. With regard to the category of aspect in Russian, these hybrid predications are characterized by the fact that they can be coded perfective not only by a paired perfective verb but also by a so-called delimitative procedural verb. The first part of this paper examines the conditions under which elementary predications can be interpreted as hybrid. Two different types of hybrid Accomplishments will be distinguished. First, there are hybrid Accomplishments where the Activity component is conceptualized as a homogeneous continuous process and thus fulfills the principle of arbitrary divisibility. In this case the imperfective aspect, which forms the basis for coding the Accomplishment as perfective by a delimitative procedural verb, has durative-processual meaning. Second, there are hybrid Accomplishments where the Activity component consists of several randomly ordered subevents and thus fulfills the principle of cumulativity. In this case the Activity component has conative meaning. The second part shows that elementary predications that are not hybrid in their actionality can be reclassified in their actionality by temporal distributivity and in that case are also characterized as hybrid. The third part deals with predications with an inner argument modified by quantifying determiners and measure expressions. I show that these predications likewise allow a reclassification by temporal distributivity. However, this is only the case if the extent of the entities involved in the situation is determined in advance.

Ivana Mitrović

A Phonetically Natural vs. Native Language Pattern: An Experimental Study of Velar Palatalization in Serbian

Abstract: Two experiments test the naturalness hypothesis of velar palatalization. This hypothesis, based on surveys of various languages with velar palatalization, states that if a language has palatalization before [e], then it will have palatalization before [i], but not necessarily vice versa. Serbian is a prima facie counterexample to this generalization in certain morphosyntactic contexts, including the present-tense paradigm examined in this paper. In this context, Serbian palatalizes a velar stop [k] to a palatoalveolar affricate [ê] before [e] but not before [i]. Two experiments are conducted to test whether Serbian-speaking children and adults generalize from the existing pattern of palatalization before [e] to the natural pattern of palatalization before both mid and high vowels. The results from the first experiment show that children conform to the phonetically natural pattern but adults do not. These results suggest that speakers must be exposed to the pattern that “violates” the phonetically natural one for a substantial period of time before overwriting the phonetically natural pattern. The results from the second experiment, artificial pattern learning, show that the type of task and the type of palatalization (before [i] or [e]) play a crucial role, while age does not. These findings strengthen the hypothesis that subjects are more likely to choose a phonetically natural form presented to them than to volunteer it.

Catherine Ringen and Vladimir Kulikov

Voicing in Russian Stops: Cross-Linguistic Implications

Abstract: This paper presents the results of an investigation of voicing in utterance-initial and intervocalic stops in monolingual Russian speakers. Prevoicing was found in over 97% of the lenis stops; over 97% of the intervocalic stops were fully voiced. Utterance-initial fortis stops were pronounced as voiceless unaspirated and had short positive VOT. Intervocalic fortis stops were completely voiceless except for a short voicing tail into closure. These results are relevant for typological studies of voicing. Some studies of languages with a two-way contrast between initial stops with prevoicing and short lag VOT have reported that prevoicing is less robust than what might be expected. These findings have been attributed to influence from another language without prevoicing. Our results with monolingual speakers of Russian support these claims. Our results are also relevant for the debate about the laryngeal feature in aspirating languages, which often have some voicing of intervocalic lenis stops. Such voicing has been attributed to passive voicing, in contrast with active voicing that occurs in true voice languages such as Russian. We found that the voicing in Russian is much more robust than the intervocalic voicing in aspirating languages. This difference is explained if the features of contrast are different in the two types of languages: [voice] in the case of Russian and [spread glottis] in the case of aspirating languages.

Contents

In Memoriam Maria Babyonyshev     165

Articles

Stephen M. Dickey
The Varying Role of PO- in the Grammaticalization of Slavic Aspectual Systems: Sequences of Events, Delimitives, and German Language Contact     175

Roksolana Mykhaylyk
Middle Object Scrambling     231

George Rubinstein
Aspectual Clusters of Russian Sound Verbs     273

Reviews

Keith Langston
Snježana Kordić. Jezik i nacionalizam     327

Jouko Lindstedt
Evangelia Adamou. Le nashta: Description d’un parler slave de Grèce en voie de disparition     339

Article Abstracts

Stephen M. Dickey

The Varying Role of PO- in the Grammaticalization of Slavic Aspectual Systems: Sequences of Events, Delimitives, and German Language Contact

Abstract: This article presents a comparative analysis of three interrelated phenomena: the use of imperfective verbs in sequences of events in Czech, Slovak, Sorbian, Slovene, and BCS; the use of po- delimitatives in sequences of events in East Slavic, Polish, and Bulgarian; the semantic nature of the prefix po- in the individual Slavic languages has been retained (and perhaps strengthened) due to German language contact, whereas the use of po- delimitatives for such atelic predicates represents an innovation in those languages that did not undergo significant amounts of such German language contact. The second is that the lack of the development of po- into an important perfectivizing prefix in the western languages is likewise due in part to German language contact, as po- was at various times used to calque German be- in its surface-contact, in the western languages is likewise due in part to German language contact, as po- was at various times used to calque German be- in is surface-contact and transitive meanings as well as ver- in its meaning of change of state; such calques contributed to the stabilization of po- as a lexical prefix in the western languages. The retarding effect of German language contact on the western languages whereby imperfective verbs remained acceptable in sequences of events, and po- did not become a major perfectivizing prefix, is analyzed as the result of a process of "replica preservation," as opposed to the more commonly discussed process of "replica change" describe by Heine and Kuteva(2005).

Roksolana Mykhaylyk

Middle Object Scrambling

Abstract: This paper discusses syntactic and semantic aspects of direct object scrambling in Ukrainian. Given the complex nature of scrambling, the investigation is narrowed to only one of its types: the change SVO to SOV, defined as Middle Object Scrambling (MOS). This strategy affords a detailed examination of this phenomenon at a micro-level. MOS is scrutinized with regard to its syntactic aspects (e.g., position of a moved element) and semantic properties (e.g., possible interpretations of a direct object). The semantic features of definiteness, referentiality, and partitivity are particularly emphasized, as previous studies have claimed they play an important role in the process. This research demonstrates that the most relevant feature in Ukrainian MOS is specificity in the sense of partitivity/presuppositionality. The implication of this is that Slavic data provide further support for the universality of interpretational properties of the vP edge, in line with Chomsky 2001.

George Rubinstein

Aspectual Clusters of Russian Sound Verbs

Abstract: This article explores whether the aspectual cluster model proposed by Janda (2007, 2008) can reflect the differences in the lexical semantics of Russian verbs denoting sound. A corpus of fifty sound verbs, including both sounds emitted by inanimate objects and those produced by animate beings, are divided into two groups: (i)paired verbs marking linguistic action, and (ii) paired verbs marking directional motion. Aspectual clusters for each verb were determined, and the clusters of various groups of verbs compared. Each of these groups was found to be characterized by a specific subset of aspectual cluster types.

Contents

Articles

John Frederick Bailyn
To What Degree Are Croatian and Serbian the Same Language? Evidence from a Translation Study     181

Barbara Citko
On the Distribution of -kolwiek ‘ever’ in Polish Free Relatives     221

Bartłomiej Czaplicki
Palatalized Labials in Polish Dialects: An Evolutionary Perspective     259

Charles Jones and James S. Levine
Conditions on the Formation of Middles in Russian     291

Reviews

Grant H. Lundberg
Tjaša Jakop. The Dual in Slovene Dialects     337

Krzysztof Migdalski
Franc Marušič and Rok Žaucer. Studies in Formal Slavic Linguistics     339

Article Abstracts

John Frederick Bailyn

To What Degree Are Croatian and Serbian the Same Language? Evidence from a Translation Study

Abstract: This article reports on the results of an experimental translation study conducted in 2008 in which 16 adult native speakers of the Croatian variant of Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian (BCS) were asked to translate nine texts from the Serbian BCS variant into their native Croatian variant in order to test the extent to which Croatian and Serbian do or do not employ distinct linguistic devices. The results show, on the basis of a statistical comparison of the purely grammatical building blocks in the original texts and their translations, that the Croatian and Serbian variants of BCS have essentially identical linguistic systems across all levels of language structure. In particular, we find that the phonological and syntactic systems are essentially identical and that over 98% of derivational and inflectional morphology tokens are identical Lexically, the open classes show a difference of less than 10% of tokens, whereas the closed grammatical classes show identity in over 95% of cases.

Barbara Citko

On the Distribution of -kolwiek ‘ever’ in Polish Free Relatives

Abstract: This paper analyzes the distribution of the particle -kolwiek 'ever' in Polish free relatives. The empirical observation it builds on concerns the obligatory presense of -kolwiek in complex free relatives. I argue against accounts that reduce this requirement to purely semantic considerations and propose a syntactic account instead. This account rests on independently motivated claims about the structure of Polish noun phrases and the positive setting of the DP Parameter for Polish. The crucial innovation lies in the structure proposed for wh-phrases in free relatives; I argue that such wh-phrases have a more complex internal structure than wh-phrases in questions, in that they require the topmost head inside the nominal projection, the Q head, to be filled by an overt element in order to support the maximality operator associated with the interpretation of free relatives.

Bartłomiej Czaplicki

Palatalized Labials in Polish Dialects: An Evolutionary Perspective

Abstract: Two types of explanations for typological asymmetries are in current use: synchronic, which rely on phonological filters that make learners more receptive to some patterns than others (e.g., markedness), and diachronic, which appeal to phonetically systematic errors that arise in the transmission of the speech signal. This paper provides a diachronic account of palatalized labials in standard and dialectal Polish. It is shown that the weak perceptibility of the palatal element in a specific phonetic context is a good predictor of depalatalization and that dissimilation arises whenever a phonetic signal can be interpreted in a non-unique manner. The Polish data exemplify three sources of natural sound change: (i) neutralization of perceptually weak contrasts, (ii) phonological reanalysis of ambiguous signals, and (iii) change in the frequency of phonetic variants. Sound change is shown to be non-deterministic and non-optimizing. There is no role for markedness in this account.

Charles Jones and James S. Levine

Conditions on the Formation of Middles in Russian

Abstract: This paper presents a VP account of the adverbial modification required, in some way, by the middle construction in Russian and the related construction in English: Kartoska pocistilas' legko 'The potato peeled easily,' The account develops a syntax and semantics for the adverbial middle (Type I: Ackema and Schoorlemmer 2006) that is free of various requirements often supposed for it, notably an "implicit agent" and generic interpretation. The main condition on adverbial middle formation is access to an embedded state predicate of the object in the logical structure of the head.

Contents

Articles

Vita G. Markman
The Case of Predicates (Revisited): Predicate Instrumental in Russian and Its Restrictions     187

Jacek Witkoś
Genitive of Negation in Polish and Single-Cycle Derivations     247

Ilse Zimmermann
On the Syntax and Semantics of kakoj and čto za in Russian     289

Reviews

Ronald Feldstein
Paul Garde. Le mot, l'accent, la phrase: études de linguistique slave et générale     307

Frank Y. Gladney
Tore Nesset. Abstract Phonology in a Concrete Model: Cognitive Linguistics and the Morphology-Phonology Interface     311

Ivona Kučerová
Mojmír Dočekal, Petr Karlík, and Jana Zmrzlíková, eds. Czech in Generative Grammar     317

Andrea D. Sims
Olga Mišeska Tomić. Balkan Sprachbund Morpho-syntactic

Features     331

Article Abstracts

Vita G. Markman

The Case of Predicates (Revisited): Predicate Instrumental in Russian and Its Restrictions

Abstract:This paper addresses the syntax of copular constructions in Russian with special attention to the prohibition on the appearance of instrumental predicates in present-tense copular constructions and their obligatory presence in argument small clauses with null predicators. I argue that copular constructions with instrumental predicates involve an eventive Pred (following Adger and Ramchand 2003), which I call “PredEv”. PredEv introduces an event argument and checks instrumental case on the predicate. In contrast, constructions with nominative predicates involve a non-eventive Pred that has no case to check. I further argue that the event argument introduced by PredEv must be licensed by Asp. However, the present-tense form of the Russian verb ‘be’ (est’) lacks the relevant aspect features. Consequently, instrumental predicates are impossible in present-tense copular constructions. In argument small clauses, on the other hand, the event argument is licensed by the Asp of the matrix verb, which makes instrumental predicates possible. In the course of the discussion I also address predicate case in adjunct small clauses and in constructions with overt predicators. Finally, I briefly compare predicate case phenomena in Russian to those in other Slavic languages.

Jacek Witkoś

Genitive of Negation in Polish and Single-Cycle Derivations

Abstract:This paper is inspired by the discussion of Genitive of Negation in Bondaruk (2004, 2005) and by an observation made in Błaszczak (2001) that, on the basis of examples such as (7) below, a construction known as Long Distance Genitive of Negation (GoN) in Polish is essentially entirely incompatible with Chomsky’s (2000, 2001, 2004, 2006, 2007) hypotheses concerning derivations proceeding in phases. We will present general conditions which a system based on single cycle syntax and phase-based derivations should meet to account for Long Distance GoN. We attempt to work Błaszczak’s critique of phase-based minimalism into a more positive set of postulates for a successful single cycle system. Another aim of this paper is to present and compare two minimalist accounts of the Genitive of Negation in Polish, the one discussed in Bondaruk (2004, 2005) and the one suggested here. First, we provide the basic set of facts that warrants the analyses that follow and refer to theoretical foundations that lead to Błaszczak’s observation. In section 3 we outline the proposal in Bondaruk (2004) and explore its virtues and weaker points. In section 4 we propose an alternative, preferable on both conceptual and empirical grounds, which is based on the notion of double probing: a relation between a single (or multiple Goal) and a double Probe, that is a Probe that consists of two adjacent heads rather than a single head. The key condition on double probing is that both Probes must be placed in the same derivational phase and no intervention effect should arise. Finally, the appendix presents a critical review of the HPSG approach to GoN proposed in Przepiórkowski 2000.

Ilse Zimmermann

On the Syntax and Semantics of kakoj and čto za in Russian

Abstract:This contribution deals with the attributive pronouns kakoj and čto za in interrogative and exclamative sentences of Russian. It is an investigation into the polyfunctionality of these expressions, their integration into the DP structure, and their interplay with sentence mood. The morphosyntactic and semantic properties of these lexical items will be considered within the framework of Chomsky’s Minimalist Program, taking into account their semantic form and conceptual structure.

Contents

Special Issue on Phonology

Articles

Christina Y. Bethin
Word Prosody in the Vladimir-Volga Basin Dialects of Russian     177

Małgorzata E. Ćavar
[ATR] in Polish     207

Anna Łubowicz
Paradigmatic Contrast in Polish     229

Beata Łukaszewicz and Monika Opalińska
How Abstract are Children’s Representations? Evidence from Polish     263

Jaye Padgett and Marzena Żygis
The Evolution of Sibilants in Polish and Russian     291

Jerzy Rubach
A Conspiracy of Gliding Processes in Polish     325

Article Abstracts

Christina Y. Bethin

Word Prosody in the Vladimir-Volga Basin Dialects of Russian

Abstract:In the archaic dialects of the Vladimir-Volga Basin dialect group, the immediately pretonic vowel constitutes a strong position that is equal or superior to that comprising the stressed syllable. These dialects have increased vowel duration in the tonic and immediately pretonic syllables and a fixed rising-falling pitch contour over the two. Because these dialects generally have vowel reduction elsewhere, the special properties of the pretonic syllable are particularly intriguing. Recent research on vowel reduction/neutralization in Russian (Crosswhite 1999/2001, Barnes 2002, 2006, Padgett and Tabain 2005, Padgett 2004) does not systematically deal with this type of word prosody. The Vladimir-Volga Basin dialects form part of the Central Russian dialect group where the immediately pretonic position in general has special status. I argue that the peculiar prosody of the archaic Vladimir-Volga Basin dialects is due to the presence of both stress and tone in their phonology. Pretonic duration is a consequence of mapping a high tone (H) and a pitch rise to the pitch peak in that syllable. There is some evidence to suggest that this type of word prosody is older than the stress prosody of Contemporary Standard Russian (CSR), and it may represent a stage in the transformation of the Common Slavic (CS) pitch accent system to an East Slavic (ES) stress-based one.

Małgorzata E. Ćavar

[ATR] in Polish

Abstract:The feature [ATR] is usually used exclusively for the description of vowels. In this article, it is argued that phonotactic constraints in Polish indicate that [ATR] may be a useful dimension in the description of consonants. Under this assumption we are able to offer a straightforward and phonetically motivated account of the discussed phonotactic constraints and relate them to palatalization processes in Polish. The consequence of the assumption that [ATR] is a consonantal dimension is a reanalysis of some palatalization processes in terms of [ATR] and the identification of the need for a new typology of palatalization processes.

Anna Łubowicz

Paradigmatic Contrast in Polish

Abstract:This paper examines allomorph distribution in the locative of masculine and neuter nouns in Polish. Locative allomorph distribution is opaque and is accounted for in terms of preserving contrast. The key idea is that the different allomorphs of the locative suffix keep apart forms that the regular phonology would otherwise neutralize. This contributes to the body of work on morphological opacity and the role for paradigmatic contrast.

Beata Łukaszewicz and Monika Opalińska

How Abstract are Children’s Representations? Evidence from Polish

Abstract:This paper investigates the issue of the abstractness of children’s underlying representations, focusing on the acquisition of a complex morphophonological system. The data from three Polish-speaking children exhibit regular alternations which are caused both by adult-based processes already acquired, as well as child-specific processes triggered or blocked in the variable phonetic environment of derivational and inflectional morphemes. The interplay between child-specific and adult-based processes within an individual system, opacity effects, and, generally, phonological behavior of segments reveal adult-like distinctions and point to abstract adult-like representations based on morphophonological alternations rather than directly on adult surface forms.

Jaye Padgett and Marzena Żygis

The Evolution of Sibilants in Polish and Russian

Abstract:This paper provides an explanation for a sound change affecting Polish by which palatalized palatoalveolars became retroflexes. An extension of the account to a similar (but probably independent) Russian sound change is also considered. We argue that the sound change was motivated by the needs of perceptual distinctiveness within a rich sibilant inventory and provide an analysis within the framework of Dispersion Theory. This analysis is further supported by a typological survey and by phonetic data. This case study supports the view that “unconditioned” sound changes, and allophonic rules resulting from them, can be motivated by contrast, and further shows that the notion of dispersion in phonology can be usefully applied to consonants.

Jerzy Rubach

A Conspiracy of Gliding Processes in Polish

Abstract:One of the significant consequences of the autosegmental theory of representations is a different way of drawing the distinction between glides and vowels. The distinction is made in terms of syllable structure rather than in terms of the feature [±syllabic], as was the case in SPE phonology. This article pursues the problem of the glide-vowel distinction for Polish and shows that with few exceptions this distinction is derivable from distributional generalizations. The generalizations are first stated in terms of rules and then reanalyzed in terms of OT constraints. It is argued that the OT-based analysis is superior to the rule-based analysis.

Contents

Special Issue on Slavic Languages in Émigré Contexts

From the Guest Editors     161

Olga Kagan
Introduction: The Language Norm and Language Attrition from a Pedagogical Perspective     163

Articles

David R. Andrews
The Role of Émigré Russian in Redefining the “Standard”     169

Maria Polinsky
Incomplete Acquisition: American Russian     191

Elena Schmitt
The “Bare Bones” of Language Attrition     263

Larisa Leisiö
Genitive Subjects and Objects in the Speech of Finland Russians     289

Article Abstracts

David R. Andrews

The Role of Émigré Russian in Redefining the “Standard”

Abstract: Despite minor disagreements over a very few specific features and recognized differences between the formal and colloquial registers, “correct” or “proper” Russian was a fixed concept during the Soviet era. It was “russkij literaturnyj jazyk” (the Russian literary language) or, in the terminology of American Slavists, “Contemporary Standard Russian” (CSR). Here I argue that the post-Soviet Russian of educated speakers is evolving into a “negative dialect,” a term coined by Millward (1988) to describe General American. A negative dialect is characterized not so much by the specific features that it has but by the identifiably regional or nonnormative ones that it lacks. However, because it permits a greater degree of internal variation than strict prescriptivist models, it often stigmatizes major norm violations even more than a traditional standard language. I call this emerging dialect “Educated Mainstream Russian” and make my case for it by comparing and contrasting developments in émigré-Russian versus mainstream-Russian lexicon, semantics, phonology, prosody, morphology and syntax.

Maria Polinsky

Incomplete Acquisition: American Russian

Abstract: This paper has two main goals: (i) to provide a description of the language of incomplete learners of Russian living in the U.S. and (ii) to identify across-the-board differences between a full language and an incompletely learned language. Most data used here come from American Russian, a reduced and reanalyzed version of Russian spoken in the U.S. by those speakers who became English-dominant in childhood. Incomplete acquirers of Russian demonstrate significant intra-group variation, which corresponds to similar variation found among incomplete learners of other languages. However, there are a number of structural properties that are shared by American Russian speakers regardless of their proficiency level and that distinguish their language from the baseline variety of Russian. American Russian therefore cannot be defined solely on geographical grounds; it differs significantly from varieties of Russian spoken by subjects who maintain language competence appropriate to uninterrupted acquisition. The paper also demonstrates a correlation between vocabulary deficiency and gaps in the grammar of American Russian. Such a correlation suggests a compact method of estimating incomplete acquirers’ proficiency based on a concise lexical test.

Elena Schmitt

The “Bare Bones” of Language Attrition

Abstract: This study focuses on the analysis of bare forms that are discussed in terms of composite code-switching, i.e., code-switching that involves convergence at one or more levels of abstract lexical structure. The analysis of the young immigrants’ free production indicates that Russian is the Matrix Language that sets the grammatical frame, whereas English is responsible for supplying some of the content and early system morphemes. The study shows that all major speech categories that participate in code-switching may be used as bare forms. The mechanism that underlies the formation of bare forms is hypothesized to be the same for nouns, verbs, and adjectives.

Larisa Leisiö

Genitive Subjects and Objects in the Speech of Finland Russians

Abstract: The paper considers genitive marking in subjects and objects in Finland Russian. Finnish interference in the speech of Finland Russians is shown to favor patterns common to Finland Russian and Standard Russian and to promote the retention and quantitative extension of marked shared patterns in the subordinate language. Interference affecting qualitative change in subordinate-language patterns is also discussed.

Contents

Articles

Joanna Błaszczak
On the Nature of N-Words in Polish     173

Francis Butler
Russian vurdalak ‘vampire’ and Related Forms in Slavic     237

Brian Cooper
The Word vampire: Its Slavonic From and Origin     251

George M. Cummins
Literary Czech, Common Czech, and the Instrumental Plural     271

Edit Jakab
Noncanonical Uses of Russian Imperatives     299

Review

Donald Reindl
Stefan Michael Newerkla. Sprachkontakte Deutsch-Tschechisch-Slowakisch     359

Joanna Błaszczak

On the Nature of N-Words in Polish

Abstract: This paper examines the nature of so-called n-words in Polish, i.e., (morphologically) negative expressions of the type nikt ‘nobody’, nic ‘nothing’ which participate in Negative Concord structures. Two main questions discussed in the paper are: (i) Do such expressions have an inherently negative meaning? and (ii) Do they have an inherent quantificational force? Both of these questions are answered negatively. As for the first question, it is argued that n-words in Polish—despite being morphologically negative—are semantically nonnegative elements. They are interpreted as negative though, because they (always) cooccur with the sentential negation marker nie ‘not’. In this respect n-words in Polish resemble more Negative Polarity Items like any than negative quantifiers like nobody. Like the former, but unlike the latter, Polish n-words—in order to be properly interpreted (i.e., to be grammatical)—must be licensed by an appropriate licenser (here, negation). As for the second question, it is argued at length that Polish n-words cannot be treated as universal quantifiers. It is shown that an analysis of n-words in the sense of Giannakidou 1998, according to which Negative Concord terms are taken to be universal quantifiers that—in order to be properly interpreted—always have to move at LF via Quantifier Raising to a scope position above negation, leads to a number of empirical and theoretical problems. On the contrary, there is ample evidence showing that n-words in Polish have indefinite nature, i.e., they behave like other indefinites in Polish. Since indefinite elements themselves might be analyzed in terms of existential quantifiers or in terms of nonquantificational elements in the sense of Heim 1982, additional evidence is provided to show that n-words in Polish are in fact best treated as nonquantificational elements. In sum, the paper argues that n-words in Polish are nonnegative nonquantificational indefinite elements. Another issue commented on in this paper is the question of the reliability of some tests being extensively used in the literature as evidence for the universal quantifier status of the tested elements.

Article Abstracts

Francis Butler

Russian vurdalak ‘vampire’ and Related Forms in Slavic

Abstract: The paper adduces strong evidence that Russian vurdalak (‘vampire’) entered the language thanks to Puškin, who formed it from models in the work of Prosper Mérimée and Lord Byron. It also surveys the distribution of related forms in Slavic and suggests that the Croatian surname Vrdoljak may not be related to any of them. These conclusions have significant consequences for a hypothesis of Johanna Nichols regarding the ultimate Iranian origin of vurdalak and related forms.

Brian Cooper

The Word "vampire": Its Slavonic From and Origin

Abstract: After an examination of some of the historical and linguistic background to the word vampire, including its links with the purity of the earth, a new etymology is proposed for the word based on Common Slavonic borrowing from Dacian Latin and interborrowing of words within the Balkans Sprachbund.

George M. Cummins

Literary Czech, Common Czech, and the Instrumental Plural

Abstract: The gap between spoken Czech and the stylized literary language spisovná čeština is so great that in categories such as the instrumental plural of all nominals the prestige code desinences are bookish or archaic while in the spoken code they are nonstandard and colloquial; no neutral register exists. Instr pl noun phrases (modifier plus noun) are among the most marked in colloquial morphology as they have both nonstandard theme vowels and a nonstandard case-marking vowel. Nonetheless they are fully established in all supraregional spoken forms of Czech, Common Czech of Bohemia, Moravian interdialects, and Lach. Unlike one-dimensional morphological markings such as the loc pl in –ách in velar stems, they cannot be recognized in the prestige code. The hierarchical differentiation of these forms is analyzed in the wider context of other colloquial morphological features. It is argued that in code mixing or code switching all varieties of nonstandard morphology make their way into formal speech not as mere stylistic coloration but as agents of discourse function. Contemporary writers such as Hrabal in Příliš hlučná samota make selective functional use of colloquial morphology for thematic focus.

Edit Jakab

Noncanonical Uses of Russian Imperatives

Abstract not available

Contents

Articles

Anna Bondaruk
Parasitic Gaps and ATB in Polish     221

Ronald Feldstein
The Unified Monophthongization Rule of Common Slavic      251

Tore Nesset
The Assignment of Gender and Declension to Russian Nouns in Soft consonants: Predictability and Rule Interaction     287

Geoffrey Schwartz
The Lemkos' Affricates: Phonetic, Perceptual, and Sociolinguistics Implications     323

Reviews

Gregory P. Christiansen
Parameters of Slavic Aspect: A Cognitive Approach     347

Bogdan Horbal
Gramatyka języka łemkowskiego     361

Robert Orr
Old Church Slavonic Grammar     365

Peter Sgall
Register Variation and Language Standards in Czech     375

Article Abstracts

Anna Bondaruk

Parasitic Gaps and ATB in Polish

Abstract: The paper examines ATB and parasitic gap structures in Polish in order to determine whether they can be conflated into a single phenomenon. Three available approaches to these two constructions are outlined and evaluated as to their applicability to Polish data. It is argued that the approach postulating the treatment of parasitic gaps as a special case of ATB put forward by Huybregts and van Riemsdijk (1985) and Williams (1990) is problematic as it does not specify how parasitic gap constructions are assigned the coordinate status. The second approach arguing in favor of subsuming ATB gaps under parasitic gaps, advocated by Munn (1992) and Franks (1993, 1995), is more advantageous. Franks’s analysis is scrutinized in detail, as it directly deals with Polish. It is argued that there exist ATB and parasitic gaps which violate both Franks’s thematic prominence condition and his case identity requirement. It is suggested that mere morphological case identity is not sufficient and should be supplemented with identity in abstract Case, perhaps along the lines of Dyła (1984). Next, we examine the third approach, proposed by Postal (1993), suggesting that parasitic gaps and ATB gaps do not represent a single phenomenon and therefore should be kept separate. It is pointed out that the differences between Polish parasitic gaps and ATB gaps are not uniquely characteristic for these two types of structure and that is why they cannot serve as sufficient evidence for claiming that the two examined constructions are instances of distinct phenomena. A conclusion along these lines is reached independently by Hornstein and Nunes (2002) on the basis of English and Portuguese data. Their analysis generally turns out to be applicable also to Polish ATB and parasitic gaps, and only the sentences where case mismatch occurs or where thematic prominence is violated require a separate explanation.

Ronald Feldstein

The Unified Monophthongization Rule of Common Slavic

Abstract: The goal of this paper is to show that the Common Slavic monophthongization of diphthongs was a much more uniform process than has been thought. There are two main types of rules, depending on whether the two moraic components of the diphthong have a pure sonority contrast (± consonantal or ± high) or a sonority contrast in addition to one of nasality or front/back. In the case of the pure sonority contrast, one of the input moras becomes the moraic unit of the new two-mora monophthong. The question of whether it is the first or second mora depends on the sonority distance between the diphthongal components; in the unmarked case of lesser sonority distance, the second component is generalized in the monophthong, but a greater sonority distance causes the first component to become the moraic unit of the monophthong. When the diphthongal contrast involves sonority plus nasality or front/back, the non-nasal or back component first experiences assimilation to nasality or frontness and then serves as the moraic model for the resulting monophthong. These two basic rule types can be readily applied to both glide and nasal diphthongs, with the proviso that non-high vowels must be considered low (ä, a), rather than the traditionally assumed mid vowels (e, o). However, in the case of liquid diphthongs, there is an important difference of relative chronology between southern and northern zones. Southern zones experience the change of short vowels to mid only after the monophthongization of liquid diphthongs, while the northern zones first undergo the change of short vowel > mid, and only then monophthongize the liquid diphthongs. The presence of unchanged low and high vowels (*tart and *turt) accounts for the southern reflexes, while the new mid vowel combinations of the North (*tort and *tərt) account for the northern results. Thus, virtually all of the diphthongal reflexes of Slavic can be explained by: 1) recognizing differing monophthongization rules for pure sonority contrasts, as contrasted with sonority in combination with nasality or front/back; and 2) recognizing the differing northern and southern relative chronologies for monophthongization and short vowel > mid in the last set of diphthongs to monophthongize, which are the liquids.

Tore Nesset

The Assignment of Gender and Declension to Russian Nouns in Soft Consonants: Predictability and Rule Interaction

Abstract: This paper investigates the predictability of gender and declension of Russian nouns ending in soft consonants. It is argued that morphologically complex nouns and nouns denoting animates show nearly full predictability. For simplex inanimate nouns, clear statistical tendencies are documented based on stress patterns and the quality of the penultimate and final segments of the stem. In addition to explicating morphological, semantic, and phonological generalizations, the paper offers a detailed investigation of their interaction, for which an assignment hierarchy is advanced. The assignment of gender and declension is shown to be systematic and well behaved in that highly ranked generalizations consistently take precedence over those further down.

Geoffrey Schwartz

The Lemkos' Affricates: Phonetic, Perceptual, and Sociolinguistic Implications

Abstract: The Lemkos are one of a number of Ruthenian peoples inhabiting the Carpathian mountains. Their language belongs to the group of Southwest Ukrainian dialects. In the late 1940s, immediately following the second World War, most of the Lemkos were forced to abandon their homeland in the Beskid Niski, a Carpathian range between the Tatras and the Bieszczady, which forms part of the border between Poland and Slovakia. Many of them were sent to areas in Western Poland that had been part of Germany before the war, while the rest ended up in the Soviet Union. In the past couple of decades, many Lemkos have returned to the Beskid Niski. While the speech of the Lemkos before World War II was well documented in the works of Zdzisław Stieber, this author is unaware of any works examining the linguistic effects of their resettlement in Polish-speaking areas. This paper provides an acoustic phonetic characterization of the Lemkos’ voiceless affricates both in their own dialect and when they speak Polish, focusing on the distinction between the palato-alveolar /tʃ/ and the alveolo-palatal /tɕ/. An examination of the dental affricate [ts] is added for descriptive purposes, but this segment remains outside the contrast under study. The paper will go on to discuss the perceptual implications of the contrast, variation among speakers, and related sociolinguistic implications.

Ссылка на Kraken - Зеркало на кракен маркетплейс!

Contents

Articles

Frank Y. Gladney
Verbs in Russian are Inflected for ±Real, ±Perfective, and ±Iterative     187

Alla Nedashkivska
Whither or Where: Case Choice and Verbs of Placement in Contemporary Ukrainian     213

Arthur Stepanov
Intensional Root Infinitives in Early Child Russian     253

Reviews

Robert D. Borsley
Anna Bondaruk. Comparison in English and Polish Adjectives: A Syntactic Study     287

Željko Bošković
Mila Dimitrova-Vulchanova, ed. Topics in South Slavic Syntax and Semantics     297

Ljiljana Progovac
Steven Franks and Tracy Halloway King A Handbook of Slavic Clitics     317

Catherine Rudin
Kjeti Rå Hauge. A Short Grammar of Contemporary Bulgarian     325

Gunter Schaarschmidt
Heinz Schuster-Šewc. Das Sorbische im slawischen Kontext     331

Article Abstracts

Frank Y. Gladney

Verbs in Russian are Inflected for ±Real, ±Perfective, and ±Iterative

Abstract: Verbs in Russian are inflected for [±REAL] and [±PERF] (perfective), base-generated features of the I(nflection) node, and for [±ITER(ative)], a base-generated feature of the V nodes. I may be lexicalized with one of the verbs for ‘be’, which are [–REAL] by, [+REAL], [+PERF] budet, and [–PERF] 0, in which case the verb receives nonfinite form. Or I may remain empty, in which case the verb raises to it and receives finite form. V consists of P(refix), which is sometimes null, and a lower V. Either V node may be specified [±ITER]. In the unmarked case, the upper V is [–ITER], but it switches to [+ITER] to implement a [–PERF] specification on I when P is lexicalized. The upper V can be [+ITER] independently of the [±PERF] feature of I, and this accounts for much of Aktionsart.

Alla Nedashkivska

Whither or Where: Case Choice and Verbs of Placement in Contemporary Ukrainian

Abstract: This article examines spatial relations in contemporary Ukrainian as connectedness in space between an object (Located Entity) and a spatial orienting point (Spatial Frame). The spatial relations discussed here are those conveyed by the prepositions v ‘in’ and na ‘on’ when used with four verbs of positioning: visaty/povisyty ‘hang’, stavyty/postavyty ‘stand’, klasty/poklasty ‘lay’, and sadyty/posadyty ‘seat’. The study focuses on whether, and to what extent, the directional placement expressed with these verbs can be coded with the locative case instead of the prescribed accusative. The data demonstrate that the use of the locative case for the directional placement is common in Ukrainian; however, this use is acceptable only under certain conditions. It is shown that the most important factor that influences the acceptability of the locative is the degree of verb and utterance Transitivity, which depends on grammatical, semantic, and pragmatic factors. Specifically, high-transitivity and low-transitivity contexts are associated with accusative and locative cases, respectively. In addition, the analysis underscores the importance of a pragmatic approach to the study of Ukrainian case.

Arthur Stepanov

Intensional Root Infinitives in Early Child Russian

Abstract: Previous research on children’s use of non-finite verb forms in finite contexts—Root Infinitives (RIs)—distinguished two types of the latter: those that describe an on-going activity (“extensional”), and those that are produced in the context of children’s wishes, desires, or intentions (“intensional”). This study provides a syntactic account of children’s intensional RIs. I argue that the aspects of the children’s grammar involved in generating intensional RIs (e.g. Tense/Agr system) are completely adult-like. On the basis of a quasi-experimental study of the spontaneous speech corpus of the Russian child, Varvara (CHILDES, Protassova 1988, MacWhinney and Snow 1990), I show that the syntactic structure of an intensional RI is that of a complement of an intensional predicate like want in adult Russian. The intensional predicate itself undergoes PF deletion under identity with its linguistic antecedent, in accord with the theory of surface anaphora of Hankamer and Sag (1976). The linguistic antecedent may be recovered in two ways: 1) from the previous discourse recorded in the transcript; 2) from the child’s ”internal monologue” which is assumed to be part of the linguistic discourse by virtue of the child’s Theory of Mind, a naive psychological framework underlying the young children’s system of knowledge and beliefs. Although RIs accounted for in the second way are not adult-like, their non-adult status is not due to any property of children’s grammar, but is a result of a particular stage in psychological development.

Contents

Reflections

Daniela S. Hristova
Total Fears     171

Articles

Alina Israeli
'Same' and 'Different' in Russian     179

John Moore and David M. Perlmutter
Case, Agreement, and Temporal Particles in Russian Infinitival Clauses     219

Yuri Novikov and Tom Priestly
Gender Differentiation in Personal and Professional Titles in Contemporary Russian     247

Irina A. Sekerina
The Scrambling Complexity Hypothesis and Processing of Split Scrambling Constructions in Russian     265

Sandra Stjepanovic
Scrambling: Overt Movement or Base Generation and LF Movement?     305

Reviews

Robert A. Orr
H. Schuster-Šewc. Grammar of the Upper Sorbian Language: Phonology and Morphology     325

Gilbert C. Rappaport
Robert D. Borsley and Adam Przepiórkowski, eds. Slavic in Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar     331

Article Abstracts

Alina Israeli

'Same' and 'Different' in Russian

Abstract: The article analyses the syntactic, semantic and pragmatic factors governing the use of expressions meaning 'the same' and 'different' in Russian. It demonstrates that one of the factors is the number of items: one item (similarity) or two items (sameness). It also demonstrates that the six basic and two deictic ways to say 'the same' and the three ways to say 'different' represent either a sentence-external reading or a sentence-internal reading. This criterion partially overlaps with the treatment of the entities compared as co-equals, since only a sentence-internal reading may allow such treatment in the cases of similarity, sameness and difference. Other factors in the case of sameness may include the unexpectedness of the second mention of the item, reminding of the previous use or the perceived inappropriateness of the second use, and whether or not the entity is shared.

John Moore and David M. Perlmutter

Case, Agreement, and Temporal Particles in Russian Infinitival Clauses

Abstract: In this paper we argue that the Russian particles bylo, byvalo, and budet, when they occur in infinitival clauses with dative subjects, are not auxiliaries but adverbial temporal particles. This analysis accounts for the fact that they are morphologically invariant, that is, do not agree with their dative subject. We provide five arguments for this analysis, based on the placement of negation, aspectual restrictions, bylo and byvalo in finite clauses, their occurrence with other auxiliaries, and their use as modifiers of adjectives. Our analysis has implications for the general analysis of infinitival clauses in Russian. We argue, contra recent claims, that Russian infinitivals are not tensed. Our account also has consequences for the treatment of second-dative phenomena.

Yuri Novikov and Tom Priestly

Gender Differentiation in Personal and Professional Titles in Contemporary Russian

Abstract: A short sociolinguistic study was conducted among Russian immigrants and visitors to Canada to determine the influence of various factors, such as age, sex, education, social status, and the location of longest residence in the former Soviet Union, on the choice of gender in feminine personal and professional titles, in specifiers of unchangeable masculine nouns, and in past-tense verbal forms. The influence of age and longest place of residence in the former Soviet Union were shown to be significant for nouns, while the education factor was more likely to affect the use of feminine adjectival and preterit verbal forms in the specification of unchangeable masculine nouns.

Irina A. Sekerina

The Scrambling Complexity Hypothesis and Processing of Split Scrambling Constructions in Russian

Abstract: This article investigates the processing of discontinuous constituents in Russian which result from Split Scrambling. Two experiments are reported, an on-line chunk-by-chunk self-paced reading study and a norming sentence completion questionnaire. The experimental findings provide evidence for the processing complexity of Split Scrambling compared to phrasal XP-Scrambling, as reflected in increased reading times in Experiment 1 and avoidance of discontinuous constituents through morphological means, such as novel nominalizations, in Experiment 2. These results support the Scrambling Complexity Hypothesis (SCH).

Sandra Stjepanovic

Scrambling: Overt Movement or Base Generation and LF Movement?

Abstract: In this paper I have tried to tease apart two approaches dealing with the last-resort problem of scrambling within the Minimalist framework, in particular, that of Fukui (1993) and Saito and Fukui (1992; 1998) on one side and Boskovic and Takahashi's (1998) on the other. I have shown that the latest version of Saito and Fukui's account, Saito and Fukui (1998), is empirically problematic. Boskovic and Takahashi's (1998) theory, which involves the base generation of scrambled elements in their surface positions and their LF movement to positions where they receive theta-roles, does not run into these problems.

Contents

Reflections

Charles E. Townsend.
Slavic Linguistics: From Jers to Dostoevsky to Jers and Theta-Roles     161

Articles

George Cummins
Indefiniteness in Czech     171

Maaike Schoorlemmer
Complex Event Nominals in Russian: Properties and Readings     205

Ludmila Veselovska
Possessive Movement in the Czech Nominal Phrase     255

Reviews

Sue Brown and Catherine Chvany
A.A. Kibrik, I.M. Kobozeva, I.A. Sekerina. Fundamental'ny napravlenija sovremennoj amerikanskoj lingvistiki. Sbornik obzorov. [Basic trends in contemporary American linguistics: A collection of essays]     301

Article Abstracts

George Cummins

Indefiniteness in Czech

Abstract: In Czech there are no articles; determination (definiteness and indefiniteness), a linguistic universal, is known to be submerged in the wider domains of discourse context, sentence intonation, word order, and lexical quantification. The following study examines the interaction of these domains in the expression of indefiniteness, with spe cial attention to word order, speaker-knowledge entailments, and the four quantifiers nejaky, jakysi, jeden, and jakykoliv. It is shown that in some environments nejaky 'a; some' approaches the status of an indefinite article. In certain word-order contexts this quantifier is obligatory with animate subjects.

Maaike Schoorlemmer

Complex Event Nominals in Russian: Properties and Readings

Abstract: Derived nominals in Russian and many other languages come in types with different interpretations, different relations to the underlying verb and different argument realizations. This paper argues for an approach to these distinctions along the following lines:

In order to make sense of the nominalization data the first task is to distinguish between result nominals, Simple Event Nominals and Complex Event Nominals (CENs, Grimshaw 1990). This includes a discussion of the argument structure of the underlying verbs, of the derived nominals and their various argument realizations;

The second task is to clarify the origin of different readings of CENs, like 'manner of action', 'fact', 'event'. I contest the idea that argument realization is crucial in determining the various readings (Paduceva 1980, 1984). Instead, my claim (following Vendler 1967) is that context is the only factor relevant to the interpretation;

It is the status of the nominal as a CEN or result nominal that will in turn determine how the various arguments may be realized.

The context determination of the available reading extends to al possible noun phrases in a particular context. It turns out that in any context (i.e. reading) a CEN may occur in any argument realization.

Ludmila Veselovska

Possessive Movement in the Czech Nominal Phrase

Abstract: In this paper I demonstrate the semantic, morphological, and syntactic restrictions on possessive formation in Czech. Referring to the distinctions between possessive (poss) and genitive (gen) I argue that poss are nps while gens are dps in Czech and their complementary distribution is evidence for a syntactic movement which I call Possessive Movement. I propose that the potential of n to take an argument is encoded as a weak subcategorization feature +a of n. Referring to the Unlike Feature Condition I propose that if a cannot be satisfied at LF within the smallest np domain, it is transferred as strong to the N's functional projection d. The checking of the feature a of n takes place

a) at LF at the n level by an n-complement of form dp,

b) in syntax at the d level by spec-head relation between the d and np in spec(dp).

Contents

Articles

Maria Babyonyshev
The Possessive Construction in Russian: A Crosslinguistic Perspective     193

Frank Y. Gladney
On the Syllabification of High Vowels in Late Common Slavic     235

Daniel Humphries
"Concrete Accomplishment" in Macedonian Imperfectives     251

Virginia Motapanyane
Preverbal Focus in Bulgarian     265

Olga Miseska Tomic
Non-First as a Default Clitic Position     301

Reviews

Steven Franks
Uwe Junghanns and Gerhild Zybatow, eds. Formale Slavistik     325

Ladislav Zgusta
Katja Sturm-Schnabl,ed. Der Briefwechsel Franz Miklosich's mit den Südslaven - Korespondenca Frana Miklosica z Juznimi Slovani     359

Article Abstracts

Maria Babyonyshev

The Possessive Construction in Russian: A Crosslinguistic Perspective

Abstract: The paper examines the syntactic and semantic properties of the Russian prenominal possessive construction. Evidence is offered for an analysis in which the possessive is inserted into the derivation as a nominal (not an adjective), and the "possessive form" is created when the N° undergoes head-movement in overt syntax and (eventually) adjoins to the possessive D°. It is shown that within such an analysis a number of semantic and lexical peculiarities of the construction are explained and, moreover, that they closely resemble the properties of N-to-D raising recently discussed for Romance languages in Longobardi 1994, 1996.

Frank Y. Gladney

On the Syllabification of High Vowels in Late Common Slavic

Abstract: Surface and intermediate [j] and [w] in Late Common Slavic are phonetic realizations of /i/ and /u/ as determined by the rules of syllabification, although in some cases syllabification is governed by the lexical specifications of individual morphemes rather than by their phonetic properties.

Daniel Humphries

"Concrete Accomplishment" in Macedonian Imperfectives

Abstract: In most Slavic literary languages prefixed perfective verbs have one corresponding derived imperfective built with one of the two historical imperfectivizing suffixes: -a+ and -ova+. Macedonian, however, derives two imperfectives for many prefixed perfective verbs and in many cases there is a substantial difference in meaning between these competing forms. This paper argues that a new grammatical category, concrete accomplishment, is responsible for such differences. In conclusion, historical causes are suggested for the development of this phenomenon, as well as predictions concerning its future.

Virginia Motapanyane

Preverbal Focus in Bulgarian

Abstract: Bulgarian preverbal focus involves overt movement to scope positions within TP or CP. In the framework of checking theory, this paper argues that the two strategies of focus movement follow from [focus] merging in T (when [focus] is abstract) or in C (when [focus] is morphological). Ensuing double feature checking on T or C leads to TP/CP configurations with multiple specifier structures. The distribution of [focus] on functional heads in structures with multiple specifiers accounts for crosslinguistic variation (e.g., exclusion of clefts, ban on wh-in-situ, multiple wh-movement). These facts support the hypothesis that [focus] acquires formal status and becomes visible for computation only in conjunction with the formal features [tense] and [wh].

Olga Miseska Tomic

Non-First as a Default Clitic Position

Abstract: The paper discusses the two cliticization strategies of the clitics in Macedonian tensed clauses: procliticization and encliticization. It is argued that, whenever a [+V, -N] host is available, the clitics are both syntactically and phonologically oriented towards that host­they are true verbal clitics, which form an extended local domain with the verb, to the extent that, when the verb moves, the clitics go with it as free riders. Otherwise, the clitics are oriented towards the head of the clause, but share a restriction with second-position clitics­like the latter, they cannot appear in clause-initial position. The second strategy is actually a default strategy, resorted to when a [+V, -N] host is not available. Accordingly, in Macedonian, the non-first position is a default clitic position.

Contents

Articles

Per Durst-Andersen
Russian Case as Mood      177

Tracy Holloway King
Slavic Clitics, Long Head Movement, and Prosodic Inversion     274

Robert Orr
Against the *u°-Stems in Common Slavic     312

Karen E. Robblee
Effects of the Lexicon and Aspect on Nominative/Genitive Case Variation     344

Reviews

Maaike Schoorlemmer
Steven Franks. Parameters of Slavic Morphosyntax     370

Article Abstracts

Per Durst-Andersen

Russian Case as Mood

Abstract: Previous approaches to Russian case may be divided into four groups: 1) the atomistic tradition, which merely lists contextual meanings of the six cases in Russian; 2) the Jakobsonian tradition, which advocates the principle of invariance and operates with binary feature oppositions; 3) the GB tradition, which generally distinguishes two types of case: structural case and inherent case; and 4) the newer cognitivist tradition, which has totally abandoned the feature approach and instead operates with prototypes/core meanings and submeanings. The four theories are briefly examined and tested against various types of parameters and data. It is found that they do not meet realistic requirements for a theory of Russian case and that they are unable to handle the data adequately, instead confusing levels which should be separated and treating contextual meanings as case meanings. Specific requirements for a theory of Russian case are set up and against this background a new theory is constructed which is based on the assumption that an isomorphic relationship exists between the structure of the nominal system and the structure of the verbal system. It is argued that Russian case sensu stricto is the nominal equivalent to mood. The theory includes two different case systems: 1) the propositionally defined system, which involves deep syntax and is universal; here a distinction is made between casus exterior, i.e., cases which function as underlying subjects (nom, acc, and gen) and casus interior, i.e., cases which function as underlying determiners (dat, instr, and loc); and 2) the referentially defined system, which involves surface semantics and mood as well, and is the specific Russian contribution to case semantics. Here a distinction is made between direct cases (nom and acc) and oblique cases (voc, gen, dat, and instr)&emdash;the latter are further divided into outer cases (voc and gen) and inner cases (dat and instr). All previous theories have been concerned far more with the relationship of Russian case to the universal system, i.e., deep case, and far less with the specific Russian system, i.e., surface case. They have dealt with what could be called participant roles as opposed to case roles, and been unable to connect the pure case system and the prepositional system, where the distinction between contact cases (loc and acc) and non-contact cases (gen, dat, and instr) replaces the distinction between direct and oblique cases.

Tracy Holloway King

Slavic Clitics, Long Head Movement, and Prosodic Inversion

Abstract: This article investigates the distribution of clitic clusters in Bulgarian, Czech, Serbian-Croatian, and Slovak. It argues that clitic placement depends on both syntactic and prosodic factors. The syntactic factors include whether the clitic cluster is in I0 (verbal clitics) or C0 (second-position clitics) and whether there is a constituent which is a prosodic word, e.g., a complementizer or a topic, before the cluster. If the cluster is syntactically clause-initial, Prosodic Inversion occurs to provide a host for the clitics, resulting in the clitic cluster appearing after the first prosodic word in the clause. Differences among the languages reflect differences in where the clitic cluster is located syntactically and lexical differences in the clitic inventories and their prosodic properties. This analysis is contrasted with proposals arguing for Long Head Movement of participles to C0, and additional data involving optional participle movement, negation, and li questions are examined.

Robert Orr

Against the *u°-Stems in Common Slavic

Abstract: This paper discusses the composition of the *u°-stem class in Common Slavic. It is shown that if the lists of *u°-stems proposed in various specialist studies are combined with those found in more general works, nearly 150 nouns may be reconstructed as original *u°-stems, with varying degrees of probability. Forms usually neglected in the discourse (e.g., *kru°tu°-) can be shown to be almost certain original *u°-stems. Based mainly on cognates from Lithuanian, a similar number of adjectives may also be reconstructed as *u°-stems, giving a possible total of nearly 300. It is therefore proposed that the *u°-stems in Common Slavic were not a marginal class, but a fairly numerous, productive one, which strengthens the hypothesis of an early *u°-stem influence within the Common Slavic declensional system as a whole.

Karen E. Robblee

Effects of the Lexicon and Aspect on Nominative/Genitive Case Variation

Abstract: This paper examines case marking in Russian negative intransitive constructions, focusing on the lexicon and aspect. It treats two lexical hierarchies that together form a cline expressing the relative frequency of genitive case marking with different combinations of nouns and verbs. It thus demonstrates the extent to which case marking is predictable from the lexical content of sentences. The paper considers the effects of aspectual form and function, showing that submeanings of different morphological forms pattern together. This finding supports Timberlake's (1982) claim that morphological aspect has a limited role in the grammar of case, and that a grammatical description needs to include mapping rules from individual aspectual functions to morphological case.

Contents

From the Editor     219

Charles E. Gribble
Reflections: Scholarly Publishers in Slavic Linguistics, or Why I Would Rather See than Be One     221

Articles

Sue Brown and Steven Franks
Asymmetries in the Scope of Russian Negation     239

Stephen M. Dickey
A Comparative Analysis of the Slavic Imperfective General-Factual     288

Gilbert Rappaport
Wh-Movement-in-Comp in Slavic Syntax and in Logical Form     308

Jeanmarie Rouhier-Willoughby
The Effect of Discourse Functions on the Voice of Bidiathesis -sja Verbs     357

Reply

Zheng-Min Dong On Phonologically Null Prepositions: A Reply to Fowler and Yadroff     378

Review

David Hart
Tore Nesset. Russian Stress: Stress as an Inflectional Formative in Russian Noun Paradigms and Bybee's Cognitive Morphology     387

Bibliography

Loren Billings and Joan Maling.
Accusative-Assigning Participial -no/-to Constructions in Ukrainian, Polish, and Neighboring Languages: An Annotated Bibliography.

Article Abstracts

Sue Brown and Steven Franks

Asymmetries in the Scope of Russian Negation

Abstract: Russian ni-phrase Negative Polarity Items and the Genitive of Negation are not coextensive: the former must be in the scope of negation while the latter is restricted to direct objects, but does not show the scope requirement. These distributional asymmetries can be understood in terms of a functional category NegP analysis of sentential negation, where the negation operator resides in [Spec, NegP] and ne is its head. Several phenomena, including Negative Polarity Items, Relativized Minimality, and partitive genitives, are sensitive to the operator. Genitive of Negation, on the other hand, only requires there to be a NegP and for this reason can even occur in pleonastic contexts. Pleonastic negation, which we analyze as NegP with no negation operator, is canonically selected by certain verbs and adverbials, but is also syntactically forced in Yes/No questions with V-to-C raising.

Stephen M. Dickey

A Comparative Analysis of the Slavic Imperfective General-Factual

Abstract: This paper examines data from the Slavic languages concerning the general-factual use of the imperfective aspect. It is shown that the general-factual does not pattern identically in the individual Slavic languages, and that the difference can be concisely formulated in terms of Vendler's lexico-semantic predicate types: in the westernmost languages (Polish, Czech, Slovak, Slovene, and Serbo-Croatian), achievements do not occur in the general-factual--the perfective aspect is required. In the eastern lang uages (Russian, Ukrainian, and Bulgarian) achievements are much more acceptable in the general-factual. On the basis of this distinction suggestions are made for definitions of aspectual semantics in the two halves of Slavic, utilizing the concepts of totality and temporal definiteness for the perfective, and temporal indefiniteness for the imperfective.

Gilbert Rappaport

Wh-Movement-in-Comp in Slavic Syntax and in Logical Form

Abstract: This paper supports the application of Wh-Movement-in-Comp in Logical Form to "undo" Pied Piping. More precisely, the general convention "Move Alpha" can apply on a recursive basis not only to a moved category as a whole (creating familiar cyclic chains), but within a moved category as well. First a case for Wh-Movement-in-Comp in Logical Form is sketched in terms of the Principles-and-Parameters theory of generative grammar. Then an empirical argument is developed, relying on an important h ypothesis of the theory: overt syntactic movement in a given language is a marked reflection of an isomorphic movement on a universal basis in Logical Form. Evidence is presented for Wh-Movement-in-Comp in Polish syntax, which entails the correspon ding mechanism in Logical Form. A brief survey of the relevant Slavic languages shows that some join Polish in exhibiting Wh-Movement-in-Comp, while others do not. The distinction can be traced to a difference in morphosyntactic typology involving the expression of the Specifier of NP.

Jeanmarie Rouhier-Willoughby

The Effect of Discourse Functions on the Voice of Bidiathesis -sja Verbs

Abstract: This article reexamines the claim that verbs suffixed in -sja in Contemporary Standard Russian are distinguished by voice, i.e., imperfectives in -sja may be read as passives, while perfectives in -sja may not. Previous analyses have concluded that the perfective in -sja has an inchoative reading, i.e., is non-active, but non-passive, while the imperfective in -sja is the imperfective member of a passive aspect pair. The perfective member of the pair is a participial construction, composed of 'be' and a past passive participle of a perfective verb. The data in this paper show that passive readings of imperfective -sja are much more restricted than has been suggested previously. These limitations on the passive readings of both perfective and imperfective -sja predicates are examined in light of the Transitivity Hierarchy. The paper concludes that discourse functions, namely Transitivity Ranking and concomitant patient foregrounding, play a significant role in the likelihood that a predicate will be read as a passive in Russian. Discourse analysis offers an explanation for the limitations on the passive reading of -sja predicates, and supports the claim that these verbs are not distinguished by voice, as has often been suggested.

Zheng-Min Dong

On Phonologically Null Prepositions: A Reply to Fowler and Yadroff

Abstract: Fowler and Yadroff (1993) propose to explain the Russian use of the accusative case in duration phrases, as in vsju nedelju 'for a whole week', suggesting two separate accounts of such case assignment. This article presents arguments against their first hypothesis, that the accusative case is assigned by a null preposition, and provides additional evidence in support of the second approach, that the accusative case is intrinsic, or semantically independent.

Contents

Articles

Zbigniew Golab
Slavic chelovek" 'homo' against the Background of Proto-Slavic Social Terminology (201

Tore Nesset
A Feature-Based Approach to Russian Noun Inflection (214

Karen Robblee
Russian Word Order and the Lexicon     238

Remarks and Replies

David J. Birnbaum Why Isn't Dybo's Law Iterative?     268

Robert Greenberg Southwest Balkan Linguistic Contacts: Evidence from Appellative Language     273

Laura Janda and Victor A. Friedman
About the ja- in Makedonskiot Jazik: The Fate of Initial *e^- and *e,- in Macedonian     282

Tracy Holloway
King The Structure of Russian Clausal Negation     287

Jens Norgard-Sorensen
Reply to Dahl     298

Alexis Manaster-Ramer
A Remark on Initial Nasal Vowels in Polish     301

Review Article

Frank Y. Gladney
Jan Tokarski Redivivus     304

Reviews

Stuart Davis
Jerzy Rubach. The lexical phonology of Slovak     318

Stephen M. Dickey
Per Durst-Andersen. Mental grammar: Russian aspect and related issues     326

Victor A. Friedman
Grace E. Fielder. The semantics and pragmatics of verbal categories in Bulgarian     333

Herbert Galton
Anna Stunova. A contrastive study of Russian and Czech aspect: Invariance vs. discourse     341

Ingrid Maier
Laura A. Janda. A geography of case semantics: The Czech dative and the Russian instrumental     344

Petr Sgall
Eva Eckert, ed. Varieties of Czech: Studies in Czech sociolinguistics     353

Miscellaneous

JSL Style Sheet     359

Errata     367

Article Abstracts

Zbigniew Golab

Slavic chelovek" 'homo' against the Background of Proto-Slavic Social Terminology

Abstract: This article reviews the published literature on the etymology of Slavic *chelovek" 'homo' and proposes that this Slavic word should be derived from Indo-European *kuelo-uoik'o-s, cf. Greek peri-oikos. Support for this proposal can be found in the etymology of the components of the compound, the structural pattern of its composition, and its relationship to the subsystem of other Slavic social terms.

Tore Nesset

A Feature-Based Approach to Russian Noun Inflection

Abstract: The present paper examines the traditional approaches to Russian noun inflection where two, three, or four declension classes are assumed. Two descriptive problems are considered: gender predictability and neutralization of the oppositions between declension classes. It is demonstrated that none of the traditional approaches offer fully satisfactory accounts for both problems, and a new approach involving the use of two features is therefore proposed.

Karen Robblee

Russian Word Order and the Lexicon

Abstract: This paper investigates the interaction of lexicosemantics with Russian word order, reporting a significant divergence in the word order patterns of sentences with different types of predicates. Predicates fall on a lexical hierarchy of individuation that correlates with their tendency to occur with the verb preceding the subject in the sentence, i.e., with word-order configurations CVS, VCS, VSC, and VS. Those of low lexical individuation occur with VS-inversion more frequently than those of high lexical individuation. VS-inversion has one primary (existential) function, and two secondary (episode-marking and specificational) functions. The primary function is a deindividuating function, subject to minimal restrictions. The secondary functions, in contrast, are limited by predicate type and location in the narrative. Individuation features relating to secondary function, predicate type, and section of narrative covary.

David J. Birnbaum

Why Isn't Dybo's Law Iterative?

Abstract: Dybo's Law, the advance of ictus from syllables of a certain type in Common Slavic, is not iterative. This non-iterative property is a natural consequence of an autosegmental analysis of Dybo's Law (as in Halle and Kiparsky 1981), but not of the traditional, non-autosegmental description (as in Garde 1976).

Robert Greenberg

Southwest Balkan Linguistic Contacts: Evidence from Appellative Language

Abstract: This study discusses several of the traditional and non-traditional "Balkan" isoglosses as manifested in a Southwest Balkan Sprachbund consisting of Western Macedonian, Albanian, Romance, and Zeta-Lovcen Montenegrin dialects. Some of the most convincing evidence pointing to such a linguistic continuum is found in the appellative forms, i.e., imperatives, vocatives, and emphatic/exhorative particles. This evidence suggests that further research could lead to a redefinition of "Balkanness" with regard to the South Slavic dialects.

Laura Janda and Victor A. Friedman

About the ja- in Makedonskiot Jazik: The Fate of Initial *e^- and *e,- in Macedonian

Abstract: The change of initial *e^- to ja- has been overlooked in historical phonologies of Macedonian, yet is well attested. The present analysis provides a route for initial *e,- which changed to e^- to develop further to ja-, avoiding the phonologically implausible nasal merger and positing no additional sound changes without independent motivation.

Tracy Holloway King

The Structure of Russian Clausal Negation

Abstract: The present article argues that the Russian negative marker ne does not head it own functional projection in the structure of a clause. Instead, it is argued that ne forms a unit with the tensed verb in its clause. As a result, negation has scope over the tensed verb in I^0 and the material in VP, but not over other finite elements. Arguments in support of this position are based upon facts of the scope of negation and the genitive of negation.

Jens Norgard-Sorensen

Reply to Dahl

Abstract not available

Alexis Manaster-Ramer

A Remark on Initial Nasal Vowels in Polish

Abstract: Gussmann (1993) claims that nasal vowels are absolutely impossible word-initially in Polish. In response, I discuss various counterexamples, involving both attested forms and unattested but possible ones.

Contents

Articles

Edna Andrews
Interpretants and Linguistic Change: The Case of -x- in Contemporary Standard Colloquial Russian     199

Christina Bethin
Neo-Acute Length in the North Central Dialects of Late Common Slavic     219

George Fowler and Michael Yadroff
The Argument Status of Accusative Measure Nominals in Russian     251

Steven Franks and Katarzyna Dziwirek
Negated Adjunct Phrases are really Partitive     280

Kevin Hannan
Analogical Change in West Slavic Be     306

William Mahota
The Genitive Plural Endings in the East Slavic Languages     325

Stefan M. Pugh
More on Glides in Contemporary Standard Russian: The Loss of Intervocalic /j/ and /v/     343

Reviews

Henrik Birnbaum
On the Ethnogenesis and Protohome of the Slavs: The Linguistic Evidence     352

Charles E. Townsend
Terence R. Carlton. Introduction to the Phonological History of the Slavic Languages     375

Article Abstracts

Edna Andrews

Interpretants and Linguistic Change: The Case of -x- in Contemporary Standard Colloquial Russian

Abstract: The following analysis deals with the appearance of /x/ in nominal lexemes where it would seem to be unmotivated (cf. kartoxa, Toxa, etc.). The occurrence of /x/ has several potential motivations, including: 1) the morphophonemic consonantal alternation x/s#; or 2) examples of the nominal suffix -x. The solution to this problem is established as a result of a detailed semantic analysis of all /x/-based nominal suffixes ({-ix-(a)}, {-ux-(a)}, { -ox-(a)}, {-ax-(a)}, and {-x-(a)}) and a description of derivational rules for lexemes in /x/. In order to present this analysis in its proper theoretical framework, the principles of linguistic sign theory, and, in particular, Peircean categories of inference and signs, are applied in articulating the specific principles that define diachronic linguistic change. The conclusions include statements concerning productivity of morphemes and the interrelationship between form and meaning.

Christina Bethin

Neo-Acute Length in the North Central Dialects of Late Common Slavic

Abstract: The shift of stress known as the neo-acute retraction took place in the context of emerging prosodic differences in Late Common Slavic (LCS). By recognizing that LCS dialects were differentiating in terms of whether they took the mora or the syllable as their prosodic domain, and by recognizing differences in syllable structure and their metrical implications, it is possible to account for the reflexes of the neo-acute retraction in the various dialects of LCS in a fairly principled way. The chronology of tone loss and the neo-acute retraction is particularly important in the North Central LCS dialects because this area does not preserve pitch accent, though differences in compensatory lengthening have been attributed to the effect of accent. I propose that what has been called "neo-acute lengthening" before weak jers in the North Central dialects was actually pretonic lengthening, and that it represents an attempt to maintain a certain metrical organization, the trochaic metrical foot, which was emerging in this area of LCS.

George Fowler and Michael Yadroff

The Argument Status of Accusative Measure Nominals in Russian

Abstract: This paper is a contribution to the theory of bare-NP adverbs based on an analysis of Accusative measure nominals in Russian. Duration phrases are classified into three discrete groups: arguments (with verbs like provesti `spend [time]'), quasi-arguments (with verbs in pro- and certain other prefixes), and non-arguments (other Accusative duration phrases), on the basis of the features [+, - theta-role] and [+, - referential]. It is established that case must be assigned to duration phrases independently of the verb. Two possible competing analyses of the mechanism of case assignment are proposed. One analysis relies upon a base-generated functional category of Case, with a distribution parallel to prepositions. The second analysis posits a null preposition that assigns case to duration phrases.

Steven Franks and Katarzyna Dziwirek

Negated Adjunct Phrases are really Partitive

Abstract: This article examines genitive measure adverbials (adjuncts), which occur in various Slavic languages in the context of sentential negation. Although this phenomenon resembles the genitive of negation, it is argued that such adverbials do not result from the genitive of negation rule, and are instead partitives. Polish and Russian data are employed to support this idea on semantic grounds, the "optionality" of both depending on whether or not there is a partitive interpretation. The primary mode of argumentation, however, is comparative. The claim that genitive adjuncts are really partitives is supported by a range of data drawn from a variety of Slavic languages. These data show that for any given language the status of the genitive adjunct construction is comparable to that of the partitive construction rather than to that of the genitive of negation construction. This state of affairs is obscured in Russian, where the three phenomena are equally felicitous. If one looks beyond East Slavic, however, the felicity of the genitive of negation and partitive diverges, making it possible to identify the true nature of these genitive adjuncts.

Kevin Hannan

Analogical Change in West Slavic Be

Abstract: The remodeling of present indicative be in dialects of Polish, Czech, and Slovak illustrates two different processes of analogical change. First, as seen in a variety of paradigmatic patterns from dialects of Silesia, Little Poland, Moravia, and Slovakia, 3rd-person forms were reinterpreted as the root of the paradigm. Second, preterite enclitics served as a model for new present-tense 1st-person enclitics -ch, -chmy. The geographic spread of these developments, which date to the late 15th and the 16th centuries, suggests the influence of southern Polish dialects. Such examples of analogical change present a means of typologically distinguishing the dialects which are spatially located within the center of the West Slavic dialect continuum from the peripheral dialects.

William Mahota

The Genitive Plural Endings in the East Slavic Languages

Abstract: Although Belorussian, Ukrainian, and Russian all have the genitive plural desinences {-ov}, {-ej}, and -O, their distribution in these languages varies substantially. This is in part due to analogical leveling to {-ov} in neuter and feminine substantives in Belorussian, and to the different ways in which stem-final hard and soft consonants correlate with the selection of desinences in each language. The consequences of the analogical spread of {-ov} are both morphophonemic (restriction of vowel-zero alternations in certain Belorussian stems, accentual modifications in Ukrainian), and semantic (markedness reversal and semantic marking with an unexpected desinence in all three). The spread of {-ov} to nouns of all genders both in the standard languages and in the dialects also represents the final stage of the loss of gender distinctions in the oblique plural cases of these languages, a process which was completed in the other oblique cases several centuries ago.

Stefan M. Pugh

More on Glides in Contemporary Standard Russian: The Loss of Intervocalic /j/ and /v/

Abstract: The loss of the glide /j/ in intervocalic position is a common occurrence in colloquial Russian; data show that this phenomenon is not restricted to substandard speech. The fricative /v/ enters into a close relationship with /j/, e.g., in Flier's "glide shift". This paper shows that the loss of /v/ in intervocalic position closely parallels the loss of /j/. Therefore it is more appropriate to regard /v/ as a glide like [w] rather than an obstruent, as is traditional in Russian phonemics.