JSL Volume 2 No.2

Contents

Articles

Zbigniew Golab
Slavic chelovek" 'homo' against the Background of Proto-Slavic Social Terminology (201

Tore Nesset
A Feature-Based Approach to Russian Noun Inflection (214

Karen Robblee
Russian Word Order and the Lexicon     238

Remarks and Replies

David J. Birnbaum Why Isn't Dybo's Law Iterative?     268

Robert Greenberg Southwest Balkan Linguistic Contacts: Evidence from Appellative Language     273

Laura Janda and Victor A. Friedman
About the ja- in Makedonskiot Jazik: The Fate of Initial *e^- and *e,- in Macedonian     282

Tracy Holloway
King The Structure of Russian Clausal Negation     287

Jens Norgard-Sorensen
Reply to Dahl     298

Alexis Manaster-Ramer
A Remark on Initial Nasal Vowels in Polish     301

Review Article

Frank Y. Gladney
Jan Tokarski Redivivus     304

Reviews

Stuart Davis
Jerzy Rubach. The lexical phonology of Slovak     318

Stephen M. Dickey
Per Durst-Andersen. Mental grammar: Russian aspect and related issues     326

Victor A. Friedman
Grace E. Fielder. The semantics and pragmatics of verbal categories in Bulgarian     333

Herbert Galton
Anna Stunova. A contrastive study of Russian and Czech aspect: Invariance vs. discourse     341

Ingrid Maier
Laura A. Janda. A geography of case semantics: The Czech dative and the Russian instrumental     344

Petr Sgall
Eva Eckert, ed. Varieties of Czech: Studies in Czech sociolinguistics     353

Miscellaneous

JSL Style Sheet     359

Errata     367

Article Abstracts

Zbigniew Golab

Slavic chelovek" 'homo' against the Background of Proto-Slavic Social Terminology

Abstract: This article reviews the published literature on the etymology of Slavic *chelovek" 'homo' and proposes that this Slavic word should be derived from Indo-European *kuelo-uoik'o-s, cf. Greek peri-oikos. Support for this proposal can be found in the etymology of the components of the compound, the structural pattern of its composition, and its relationship to the subsystem of other Slavic social terms.

Tore Nesset

A Feature-Based Approach to Russian Noun Inflection

Abstract: The present paper examines the traditional approaches to Russian noun inflection where two, three, or four declension classes are assumed. Two descriptive problems are considered: gender predictability and neutralization of the oppositions between declension classes. It is demonstrated that none of the traditional approaches offer fully satisfactory accounts for both problems, and a new approach involving the use of two features is therefore proposed.

Karen Robblee

Russian Word Order and the Lexicon

Abstract: This paper investigates the interaction of lexicosemantics with Russian word order, reporting a significant divergence in the word order patterns of sentences with different types of predicates. Predicates fall on a lexical hierarchy of individuation that correlates with their tendency to occur with the verb preceding the subject in the sentence, i.e., with word-order configurations CVS, VCS, VSC, and VS. Those of low lexical individuation occur with VS-inversion more frequently than those of high lexical individuation. VS-inversion has one primary (existential) function, and two secondary (episode-marking and specificational) functions. The primary function is a deindividuating function, subject to minimal restrictions. The secondary functions, in contrast, are limited by predicate type and location in the narrative. Individuation features relating to secondary function, predicate type, and section of narrative covary.

David J. Birnbaum

Why Isn't Dybo's Law Iterative?

Abstract: Dybo's Law, the advance of ictus from syllables of a certain type in Common Slavic, is not iterative. This non-iterative property is a natural consequence of an autosegmental analysis of Dybo's Law (as in Halle and Kiparsky 1981), but not of the traditional, non-autosegmental description (as in Garde 1976).

Robert Greenberg

Southwest Balkan Linguistic Contacts: Evidence from Appellative Language

Abstract: This study discusses several of the traditional and non-traditional "Balkan" isoglosses as manifested in a Southwest Balkan Sprachbund consisting of Western Macedonian, Albanian, Romance, and Zeta-Lovcen Montenegrin dialects. Some of the most convincing evidence pointing to such a linguistic continuum is found in the appellative forms, i.e., imperatives, vocatives, and emphatic/exhorative particles. This evidence suggests that further research could lead to a redefinition of "Balkanness" with regard to the South Slavic dialects.

Laura Janda and Victor A. Friedman

About the ja- in Makedonskiot Jazik: The Fate of Initial *e^- and *e,- in Macedonian

Abstract: The change of initial *e^- to ja- has been overlooked in historical phonologies of Macedonian, yet is well attested. The present analysis provides a route for initial *e,- which changed to e^- to develop further to ja-, avoiding the phonologically implausible nasal merger and positing no additional sound changes without independent motivation.

Tracy Holloway King

The Structure of Russian Clausal Negation

Abstract: The present article argues that the Russian negative marker ne does not head it own functional projection in the structure of a clause. Instead, it is argued that ne forms a unit with the tensed verb in its clause. As a result, negation has scope over the tensed verb in I^0 and the material in VP, but not over other finite elements. Arguments in support of this position are based upon facts of the scope of negation and the genitive of negation.

Jens Norgard-Sorensen

Reply to Dahl

Abstract not available

Alexis Manaster-Ramer

A Remark on Initial Nasal Vowels in Polish

Abstract: Gussmann (1993) claims that nasal vowels are absolutely impossible word-initially in Polish. In response, I discuss various counterexamples, involving both attested forms and unattested but possible ones.