JSL Volume 1 No. 1
Contents
Articles
Leonard Babby
A Theta-Theoretic Analysis of -en- Suffixation in Russian 3
Ronald Feldstein
The Nature and Use of the Accentual Paradigm as Applied to Russian 44
Frank Gladney
R stanovitsja 'stands up' and +i Imperfective Thematization 61
Eric P. Hamp
OCS velii-velikyi and -ok"- 80
Marvin Kantor
On the "Desire" to Hunt 83
Margaret Mills
On Russian and English Pragmalinguistic Requestive Strategies 92
Ljiljana Progovac
Locality and Subject-like Complements in Serbo-Croatian 116
Oscar Swan
Notionality, Referentiality, and the Polish Verb Be 145
Adger Williams
The Argument Structure of sja-Predicates 167
Review
Herbert Galton
Boris Hlebec. Aspects, phases and tenses in English and Serbo-Croatian 191
Article Abstracts
Leonard Babby
A Theta-Theoretic Analysis of -en- Suffixation in Russian
Abstract not available
Ronald Feldstein
The Nature and Use of the Accentual Paradigm as Applied to Russian
Abstract not available
Frank Gladney
Russian stanovitsja 'stands up' and +i Imperfective Thematization
Abstract: Russian stanovitsja 'stands up' is the -i- imperfective of stanet, not the -sja intransitive of stanovit. It is like saditsja 'sit down' and lozhitsja 'lie down', which are likewise -i- imperfectives (cf. sjadet, ljazhet), not, as the accent shows (cf. sadit, -lozhit), -sja intransitives. With stanet, stanovitsja shares thematic -n-, which conditions thematic -ov- as it does in ischeznovenie, dunovenie, etc. Although thematic -i- has imperfectivizing force in the prefixed imperfectives nosit, -vodit, -vozit, and -xodit, it does not have it with prefixed -stanovit. Hence in prefixed use sta- has tended to replace -nov- with productive thematizations.
Eric P. Hamp
OCS velii-velikyi and -ok"
Abstract: Building on Mares's demonstration that velii and velikyi are equally old and differ as +/-definite, *-ko- is thus seen to be semantically empty, i.e. the element I have identified in ú-stem adjectives and jabl"ko. This *-ko- with an alternant *-Hko- is then equated with IE *-H{o}k{^w}o- (BSLP 68, 77-92, 1973) 'facing, appearing', and this equation then explains the suffix of adjectives of extent such as vysòk", shiròk". A new etymology of Albanian plak 'old man', with a different *-ko-, is given.
Marvin Kantor
On the "Desire" to Hunt
Abstract not available
Margaret Mills
On Russian and English Pragmalinguistic Requestive Strategies
Abstract not available
Ljiljana Progovac
Locality and Subjective-Like Complements in Serbo-Croatian
Abstract: Verbs in Serbo-Croatian fall into two basic classes: those which select opaque complements (henceforth I-verbs, or Indicative-selecting verbs), and those which select transparent complements, allowing for domain extension (henceforth S-verbs, selecting Subjunctive-like complements). I-verbs are mostly verbs of saying and believing, whereas S-verbs are mainly verbs of wishing or requesting. The following dependencies are clause-bound with I-verbs, but can cross clause boundaries with S-verbs: lincensing of Negative Polarity Items, clitic climbing, and topic preposing. In addition, wh-movement in questions and relative clauses uses different strategies with I- and S-verbs.
The transparency of S-verbs correlates closely with their inability to select independent (uncontrolled) tense in their complements. I will propose that S-verbs allow domain extension by virtue of licensing deletion of Infl and Comp material in their comp lements at the level of Logical Form (LF). Such deletion will be possible with S-verbs, whose complements have recoverable Tense features, but not with I-verbs, whose complements host independent Tense. I will assume that the same mechanism can explain do main extension with subjunctive clauses in general.
Oscar Swan
Notionality, Referentiality, and the Polish Verb 'Be'
Abstract not available
Adger Williams
The Argument Structure of sja-Predicates
Abstract not available
