Journal of Slavic Linguistics
Journal of Slavic Linguistics or JSL, is the official journal of the Slavic Linguistics Society. JSL publishes research articles and book reviews that address the description and analysis of Slavic languages and that are of general interest to linguists. Published papers deal with any aspect of synchronic or diachronic Slavic linguistics – phonetics, phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, or pragmatics – which raises substantive problems of broad theoretical concern or proposes significant descriptive generalizations. Comparative studies and formal analyses are also published. Different theoretical orientations are represented in the journal. One volume (two issues) is published per year, ca. 360 pp.
- Frequency: One volume (two issues) per year
- ISSN/eISSN: 1068-2090/1543-0391
- Website: Slavic Linguistics Society
Indexing and Abstracting
American Bibliography of Slavic and East European Studies, ERIH (European Reference Index for the Humanities and Social Sciences), Humanities International Index, IBZ (Internationale Bibliographie der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Zeitschriftenliteratur), MLA International Bibliography (Modern Language Association), OCLC ArticleFirst, Web of Science Emerging Sources Citation Index, SCOPUS Citation Index, Clarivate Analytics Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI), an index in the Web of Science™ Core Collection.
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From the Editors 183
The Croatian Suffix -stv(o): A Study of Meaning and Polysemy in Word Formation 185
Prescriptive Accentual Norms Versus Usage in Croatian: An Acoustic Study of Standard Pronunciation 245
Morphosyntax of Gender in Russian Sex-Differentiable Nouns 307
Ruselina Nicolova. Bulgarian grammar. 337
Abstract: This paper reports the results of an exploratory semantic analysis of Croa- tian suffixations in -stv(o). The suffix builds nouns which denote qualities, professions, states, collectivities, etc., and most suffixations take different interpretations in dif- ferent contexts. Our aim is to identify the suffix’s most type-frequent and productive meanings as well as typical patterns of polysemy in -stv(o) derivatives and their main motivating mechanisms. Assuming a usage-based Cognitive Grammar stance and Barcelona’s (2011) gradient view of metonymy, we examine an extensive corpus of suf- fixations and propose low-level generalizations, i.e., symbolic schemas that are shown to be variably frequent and productive. Although no single superschema can capture the extreme semantic variability of -stv(o) derivatives, we identify various local pat- terns of polysemy, which are predominantly motivated by metonymy.
Abstract: The divergence of actual spoken usage from the prescriptive Croatian accen- tual norm has been widely noted, but such observations are largely impressionistic. Relatively little acoustic data is available for the realization of lexical prosodic features specifically in Croatian, as opposed to other closely related varieties, and previous studies have focused mainly on measurements of isolated forms produced by “model” speakers, chosen specifically for their ability to reproduce the standard accentuation. The current study analyzes samples of connected speech taken from recordings of the program Govorimo hrvatski on Croatian Radio 1, comparing the results to those in pre- vious acoustic studies of Croatian or Serbian accentuation. The implications of these findings for the viability of the current prescriptive norm are considered within the Croatian sociolinguistic context.
Abstract: This paper investigates the morphosyntax of gender in Russian sex-differ- entiable nouns within the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993; Halle 1997; Marantz 1997), which, to the best of my knowledge, has not been studied before. Distributed Morphology differentiates between word formation from √ roots and from syntactic categories; this distinction enables us to analyze syntac- tic processes that happen within words. The paper argues that grammatical gender in sex-differentiable nouns can be determined from a combination of the declension class and the natural gender of the referent. Thus there is no need to posit grammati- cal gender features in the syntax of such nouns. This work is a revision and develop- ment of the earlier Distributed Gender Hypothesis (Steriopolo and Wiltschko 2010). This research will be of interest to Russian specialists, language typologists, and the- oretical linguists, as well as to anyone interested in the Russian language and gender.
From the Editors 1
In Memoriam Andrei Zalizniak 3
Unintegration and Polyfunctionality in Polish co Relative Clauses 17
Bulgarian Moods 55
Polysemy of Verbal Prefixes in Russian 101
Franc Lanko Marušič and Rok Žaucer, eds.
Formal studies in Slovenian syntax: In honor of Janez Orešnik. 143
Steven Franks. Syntax and Spell-Out in Slavic. 167
Abstract: This paper discusses a colloquial variety of Polish relative clauses introduced by the uninflected relative marker co. Unlike previous accounts, the analysis concentrates on authentic spoken utterances marked by structural unintegration—a common feature of spontaneous spoken language. As is shown, co clauses in unplanned speech depart from the traditional perception of what function they perform and how they do it. The advantage of using corpus data is that they offer insight into a wider range of functions of co than previously reported. These functions include a weakly subordinating conjunction, a general discourse connective, and time- and place-reference conjunctions similar to English when and where. Additionally, some cases are ambig- uous as to which of these functions co serves. The basic relativizing use of co is also revised and its description is enriched by an analysis of co clauses in spontaneous speech, in which several unintegration features were observed. They are in general related to the loose syntactic relationship of the head NP to the co clause. Specific features of unintegration include (i) co clauses as complete clauses with no gaps, (ii) idiosyncrasy and context-dependency of interpretation, (iii) nonmatching case forms and lack of required resumptive pronouns, (iv) preposition ellipsis, (v) long-distance relationship between the head and co clause, (vi) ambiguity in the semantic contribution of co clauses and of the marker co itself, and (vii) lack of a clearly specified nominal head.
Abstract: This paper concerns Bulgarian da-constructions (daCs), phrasal structures that correspond to subjunctive or infinitival structures in other languages. In combining two theoretical contributions to the syntax and semantics of Bulgarian subjunctives, an attempt is made to reconsider the Bulgarian mood system, focussing on daCs. The crucial claim is that daCs mark the absence of the indicative being associated with the supposition of subject certainty (Siegel 2009). Accordingly, da is a semantically vacuous mood marker chosen when the indicative would cause a semantic failure. By adding Krapova’s (2001) distinction between [+T] and [-T] daCs, their correspondence to subjunctive or infinitival structures in other languages follows immediately.
Abstract: This paper proposes a scalar analysis of polysemy of Russian verbal prefixes. The lexical entry remains constant throughout all uses of a given pre x: it relates the event, denoted by the prefixed verb, to a scale. The specific kind of transition denoted by the prefix is the source of the similarities in meaning. The structure, into which the prefix is inserted, varies and determines the scale along which the event is measured out, which may be a path (with verbs of motion), a scale of change, or the temporal trace of the event. It is demonstrated that the semantic differences go hand in hand with structural differences and that the meaning of a prefix is predictable based on the event structure of the verb it attaches to. If the verb lexicalizes a scale of change, the prefix must measure out the result, mapping the event onto a scale, which is the complement of the result. If the verb contains conflated material and is incompatible with a result, the only available position is above aspect, where the superlexical pre x measures out the time of the event. A direct object may serve either as the resultee undergoing a change of state or as the measuring scale (as in the case of spatial and consumption verbs). Many verbs are flexible, and then the pre x may take on different meanings and the structure depends on whether the event is interpreted as involving a change of state or an unbounded activity.
Silver Anniversary Issue
Stephen M. Dickey, Laura A. Janda, Keith Langston, and Catherine Rudin
Dagmar Divjak, Serge Sharo , and Tomaž Erjavec
Slavic Corpus and Computational Linguistics 171
Slavic Generative Syntax 199
Construction Grammar in the Service of Slavic Linguistics, and Vice Versa 241
The Mental Lexicon of L2 Learners of Russian:
Phonology and Morphology in Lexical Storage and Access 277
Marc L. Greenberg, Krzysztof E. Borowski, Joseph Schallert, and Curt F. Woolhiser
Slavic Dialectology: A Survey of Research since 1989 303
Tania Ionin and Teodora Radeva-Bork
The State of the Art of First Language Acquisition Research on Slavic Languages 337
Laura A. Janda and Stephen M. Dickey
Cognitive Linguistics: A Neat Theory for Messy Data 367
Some Recent Developments in Slavic Phonology 387
Slavic Sociolinguistics in the Post-Iron Curtain World:
A Survey of Recent Research 415
When We Went Digital and Seven Other Stories about Slavic Historical Linguistics in the 21st Century 439
Irina A. Sekerina
Slavic Psycholinguistics in the 21st Century 463
Andrea D. Sims
Slavic Morphology: Recent Approaches to Classic Problems, Illustrated with Russian 489
Dagmar Divjak, Serge Sharo , and Tomaž Erjave
Abstract: In this paper we focus on corpus-linguistic studies that address theoretical questions and on computational linguistic work on corpus annotation that makes corpora useful for linguistic analysis. First we discuss why the corpus linguistic approach was discredited by generative linguists in the second half of the 20th century, how it made a comeback through advances in computing and was finally adopted by usage-based linguistics at the beginning of the 21st century. Then we move on to an overview of necessary and common annotation layers and the issues that are encountered when performing automatic annotation, with special emphasis on Slavic languages. Finally we survey the types of research requiring corpora that Slavic linguists are involved in worldwide, and the resources they have at their disposal.
Abstract: This article discusses major research areas in Slavic generative syntax. It begins with a short survey of topics, identifying important literature and useful resources. It then examines selected areas in more detail, specifically: (i) multiple wh-movement, (ii) secondary predication and control, (iii) agreement and coordination, and (iv) nominal structure and phases. Finally, several domains of inquiry are singled out for future research.
Abstract: This paper explores the connection between Slavic languages and the theoretical tenets of construction grammar, a cognitively and functionally oriented approach to linguistic analysis. The strengths of traditional Slavic linguistics consist particularly in its focus on diachronic concerns, lexical semantics, and on issues of morphology. Constructional analysis provides a rm theoretical grounding for these traditional areas and also draws attention to phenomena and issues that have been less prominently pursued by Slavic linguists. This concerns various kinds of syntactic patterning but also the domain of discourse organization and grammatical devices that serve speci c discourse functions, be it the nature of pragmatic particles, specific clausal structures, expressions of subjective epistemic stance, etc. Of interest is also the origin and evolution of such devices. This area has been generally left just about untouched in Slavic linguistics, yet it represents an enormous pool of interesting data and relates directly to theoretical questions that are presently in the forefront of general linguistic research. With respect to the evolutionary perspective, the present paper also comments on the role of pragmaticization and constructionalization and their manifestations in particular instances, including suggestions for how they can be conceptualized with the contribution of construction grammar.
Abstract: This review discusses a number of recent studies focusing on the role of phonological and morphological structure in lexical access of Russian words by non- native speakers. This research suggests that late second language (L2) learners differ from native speakers of Russian in several ways: Lower-profciency L2 learners rely on unfaithful, or fuzzy, phonological representations of words, which are caused either by problems with encoding difficult phonological contrasts, such as hard and soft consonants, or by uncertainty about the phonological form and form-meaning mappings for low-frequency words. In processing morphologically complex inflected words, L2 learners rely on decomposition to access the lexical meaning through the stem and may ignore the information carried by the inflection. The reviewed findings have broader implications for the understanding of nonnative word recognition, and the role of L2 proficiency in lexical processing.
Marc L. Greenberg, Krzysztof E. Borowski, Joseph Schallert, and Curt F. Woolhiser
Abstract: The last 25 years in Slavic dialectology mark the period not only of JSL’s founding but also of major and multiple political, social, and economic reorganizations in predominantly Slavic-speaking states. During this period research institutions and their priorities and projects have both continued and changed; technological innovation has meant moving towards electronic dissemination, “digital humanities,” and innovative modes of presenting research data and findings. In some cases major works (e.g., dialect atlases) have advanced during this period. Moreover, a new generation of scholars has had greater opportunities for mobility and therefore exposure to a variety of linguistic frameworks and approaches, which has fostered cross-border collaboration in the eld. The present essay gives an overview of progress made on dialect projects both created institutionally and individually and including both traditional (book, article) and new digital means of dissemination.
Tania Ionin and Teodora Radeva-Bork
Abstract: This paper provides an overview of recent work on the first language acquisi- tion of Slavic languages. The focus is on those areas in which the most work has been done since the year 2000: referring expressions, nominal inflection, the verbal domain, and word order, with a brief mention of other topics, including the acquisition of phonology. Most of the studies reviewed here focus on typical monolingual first language development, but bilingual first language development is discussed where relevant.
Laura A. Janda and Stephen M. Dickey
Abstract: We outline some recent highlights in the application of cognitive linguistic theoretical and methodological approaches to the analysis of Slavic languages. A principal strength of cognitive linguistics is the way it focuses our attention on the continuous nature of linguistic phenomena. Rather than positing rigid categories and strict definitions, cognitive linguistics addresses the messy realities of language, facilitating the extraction of coherent patterns from the noise of human communication. We fol- low a thematic arrangement motivated by the types of variation we observe in language and the analyses proposed by Slavic linguists. These include variation across meaning and form, across modalities and genres, and across time and speakers.
Abstract: This article presents an overview of the last two decades of research in synchronic Slavic theoretical phonology and the elds it interacts with, such as phonetics, morphology, and syntax. The overview is arranged around the properties of Slavic languages that prominently figure in the recent discussion of theoretical phonology. It concentrates on the specific phenomena in Slavic, such as vowel reduction, vowel/ zero alternations, stress and pitch accent, vowel coalescence, voicing assimilation, wordnal devoicing, and consonant clusters and syllabi cation, and on how these phenomena are relevant to phonological theory and Slavic linguistics.
Abstract: This article provides a general overview of research in Slavic sociolinguistics after 1989, focusing particularly on the most recent work (2010–16). Trends in sociolinguistic research in the East, West, and South Slavic areas are discussed, and in the conclusion the article considers perspectives for future research.
Abstract: In this overview article, I seek to identify and discuss some tendencies in Slavic historical linguistics in recent years. Rather than presenting an extensive catalogue of studies on miscellaneous topics, I focus on three general issues, viz., how Slavic historical linguistics is developing in response to new theoretical ideas, methodological innovation, and “new” data. The article explores case studies from the syntax, morphology, and phonology of a number of Slavic languages and tells eight stories about Slavic historical linguistics in the 21st century.
Irina A. Sekerina
Abstract: This article provides an update on research in Slavic psycholinguistics since 2000 following my first review (Sekerina 2006), published as a position paper for the workshop The Future of Slavic Linguistics in America (SLING2K). The focus remains on formal experimental psycholinguistics understood in the narrow sense, i.e., experimental studies conducted with monolingual healthy adults. I review five dimensions characteristic of Slavic psycholinguistics—populations, methods, domains, theoretical approaches, and specifc languages—and summarize the experimental data from Slavic languages published in general non-Slavic psycholinguistic journals and proceedings from the leading two conferences on Slavic linguistics, FASL and FDSL, since 2000. I argue that the current research trends in Slavic psycholinguistics are (1) a shift from adult monolingual participants to special population groups, such as children, people with aphasia, and bilingual learners, (2) a continuing move in the direction of cognitive neuroscience, with more emphasis on online experimental techniques, such as eye-tracking and neuroimaging, and (3) a focus on Slavic-specific phenomena that contribute to the ongoing debates in general psycholinguistics. The current infrastructural trends are (1) development of psycholinguistic databases and resources for Slavic languages and (2) a rise of psycholinguistic research conducted in Eastern European countries and disseminated in Slavic languages.
Andrea D. Sims
Abstract: This state-of-the- eld article traces some recent trajectories of morphological theory, illustrated via four classic problems of Slavic morphology: vowel-zero alter- nation, stem consonant mutations, paradigmatic gaps, and animacy-determined accusative syncretism. Using Russian as the primary illustrating data, one theme that emerges is that theories that leverage the distributional properties of the lexicon have made progress against previously intractable aspects of these phenomena, including idiosyncratic lexical distributions, unexpected (non)productivity, and distributions shared by distinct exponents. In turn, the analyses raise new questions.
From the Editor 1
Past Tense in the Rusyn Dialect of Novoselycja: Auxiliary vs.
Subject Pronoun as the First- and Second-Person Subject 3
The Proto-Slavic Genitive-Locative Dual: A Reappraisal of
(South-)West Slavic and Indo-European Evidence 63
Resumptive Pronouns in Polish co Relative Clauses 95
Olga Kagan. Scalarity in the verbal domain. 131
Frank Y. Gladney
Andrea D. Sims. Inflectional defectiveness. 141
Ranko Matasović. Slavic nominal word-formation: Proto-Indo-European origins
and historical development. 147
Abstract: This article discusses the choice of the past-tense forms in the Rusyn dialect spoken in the village of Novoselycja in Zakarpats’ka oblast’ of Ukraine. The past- tense forms for the 1st and 2nd person in Rusyn are formed by a participle accompa- nied either by an enclitic auxiliary or by a fully stressed subject pronoun (the former construction occurs more often), but not by both. The factors in uencing the choice of one over the other have never been clear. I claim that in Novoselycja Rusyn the factor that in uences the choice of an auxiliary or a subject pronoun is a discourse factor. The choice between auxiliaries and pronouns generally depends on the position in discourse: the pronoun codes the rst mention of the 1st and 2nd person subject and the auxiliary subsequent mentions. The exceptions, auxiliaries in locally initial posi- tions and pronouns in locally subsequent positions, show dependence on the speech genre: speakers prefer pronouns at the beginning of episodes in classical narratives, and auxiliaries in genres closer to interactional conversation.
Abstract: The preservation of length in the West Slavic and South-West Slavic genitive-locative dual in *-ū is unexpected and to date unexplained. BCS rùkū ‘handsGEN.PL’ is likely to continue a trisyllabic preform. At the same time, Indo-Iranian and Greek o er strong evidence for PIE o-stem and ā-stem archetypes that should have yielded late Proto-Slavic and OCS *-oju (thus, OCS *ro ̨koju), rather than *-u. The actually a ested OCS form is ro ̨ku. The present study seeks to provide a uni ed ac- count of these two problems. The development of some of the PIE dual endings in other daughter traditions, including Greek and its dialects, is also addressed.
Abstract: This paper discusses the problem of resumptive pronouns in Polish object relative clauses introduced by the relative marker co. It does so through the use of corpus data, thus contributing to previous literature, which has been largely based on introspection. In the literature, di erent accounts vary signi cantly as to the basic question of when the resumptive pronoun is expected. The present study addresses this ma er by means of qualitative and quantitative analysis of conversational spo- ken Polish—the language variety in which co relatives typically occur. As is shown, the relatives are used in two broad con gurations—unmarked (with null resumptives and inanimate referents) and marked (with overt resumptives and human referents). Both scenarios are linked to distinct strategies of case recovery. The presence of the pronoun itself is one such strategy. In contrast, the omission of the pronoun is of- ten accompanied by case-matching e ects that facilitate the omission. Another typ- ical property of co relatives is their preference for encoding de niteness of referents, whereby kt ry clauses tend to signal inde niteness. This is evidenced by the frequent cooccurrence of co clauses with head-internal demonstratives. Interestingly, these head-internal demonstratives can also render resumptive pronouns unnecessary, thus constituting another factor relevant in resumption.
From the Editor 261
In Memoriam Charles E. Gribble 265
In Memoriam Dean S. Worth 269
Smell in Polish: Lexical Semantics and Cultural Values 273
Measurement across Domains: A Unified Account of the
Adjectival and the Verbal Attenuative po- 301
Elena Kulinich, Phaedra Royle, and Daniel Valois
Palatalization in the Russian Verb System:
A Psycholinguistic Study 337
A FOOTnote to the Jers: The Russian Trochee-Iamb
Shift and Cognitive Linguistics 359
Cynthia M. Vakareliyska. Lithuanian root list. 93
Sijmen Tol and René Genis, eds., with Ekaterina Bobyleva and
Eline van der Veken. Bibliography of Slavic linguistics: 2000–2014. 399
David Pesetsky. Russian case morphology and the syntactic categories. 405
Abstract: Verbs of perception have been typically classified into three semantic groups. Gisborne (2010) calls the three categories agentive (listen class), experiencer (hear class), and percept (sound class). Examples pertaining to the sense of smell in English use the same lexical item (smell), while in Polish, the three senses of smell are expressed with different verbs: wąchać (agentive), czuć zapach (experiencer), and pachnieć (percept). In metaphorical extensions of the verbs of sensory perception these verbs often stand for mental states, as meaning shifts typically involve the transfer from concrete to abstract domains. I show that the metaphorical extensions of pachnieć and percept to smell are quite different. Not only does pachnieć not suggest bad character or dislike- able characteristics, it actually conveys the opposite, as in the expression coś komuś pachnie ‘something is attractive to someone’ or when used without a modifier. These differences stem from the positive meaning of pachnieć and the negative meaning of to smell. Since the percept verbs of smell seem to be intrinsically positively or negatively valued, they do not lend themselves to universal Mind-as-Body extensions. I also consider some of the dramatic frequency contrasts between Polish and English smell constructions and show they can have their root in different cultural scripts underlying modes of speaking (pachnieć jak vs. smell like), framing of experiences (czuć zapach vs. experiencer to smell), polysemy, and different constructional capabilities (wąchać vs. to sniff ).
Abstract: In the recent literature on gradable predicates, it has been argued that the notion of a differential degree (one that measures the distance between two values on a scale) plays a role in the semantics of both adjectival and verbal predicates. This paper provides further evidence in favor of this claim by putting forward a unified account of the prefix po- that attaches to Russian comparative adjectives/adverbs and the attenuative po- that combines with verbs. Building on Filip’s (2000) and Součková’s (2004a, b) analysis of the verbal po-, it is argued that po- is a single prefix whose function is to restrict the differential degree and which applies within the verbal, adjectival, and adverbial domains. In addition, this paper investigates the interaction of this prefix with verbs lexicalizing scales of different dimensions.
Elena Kulinich, Phaedra Royle, and Daniel Valois
Abstract: This paper presents experimental data on the processing of loanwords and nonce words that focuses on morphophonological alternations in Russian. It addresses the issue of how stem allomorphy involving palatalization of the velar/palatal and dental/palatal types in the Russian verb system is processed in adults. The processing of morphophonological alternations is shown to be quite variable (and probably un- productive) and to depend, on the one hand, on the distribution of allomorphs within the verb paradigm, and on the other hand, on verb class productivity. It is hypothe- sized that these differences should be reflected in child language acquisition.
Abstract: This article explores the fall and vocalization of the jers, making five claims. First, it is shown how the jer shift can be analyzed in terms of a trochaic pattern, whereby a jer fell unless it headed a foot. Second, the foot-based approach is argued to be superior to the traditional counting mechanism postulated for the jer shift in that the foot-based approach avoids ad hoc stipulations and facilitates crosslinguistic comparison. Third, the present study relates the fall of the jers to a trochee-iamb shift in Russian prosody; a few generations after the jer shift was completed, an iambic pat- tern was introduced through the emergence of akan’e. Fourth, it is proposed that Con- temporary Standard Russian may be a “switch language,” i.e., a language in which productive processes are sensitive to both trochees and iambs. Last but not least, the present study analyzes prosodic change from the point of view of cognitive linguis- tics (the Usage-Based Model) and shows that this framework offers a straightforward account of the jer shift.